the Congregationalists; and all the powers of church sovereignty are exercised by the brethren. Their difference from other Congregationalists relates to baptism alone, and things growing out of their peculiar doctrines with relation to this rite.

CHAPTER XI.

THE ACHIEVEMENTS AND PROSPECTS OF CONGREGATIONALISM.

We have seen the origin of Congregationalism in England, under Robert Brown, in 1581, and followed it in its rapid growth and effective influence, till in the time of the Westminster Assembly and of Cromwell, in 1643-1660, it became one of the great controlling agencies of the world, accomplishing little and attempting little by direct church authority, but by general and moral influences accomplishing much.

Within seventy years from its origin it becomes one of the great revolutionary elements of the British empire, and materially effects the general course of the world's affairs. But on that vast arena, and mingled with the various conflicting elements that met and coöperated there, it was cast down, and, for a time, covered with dishonor and reproach.

But, after the lapse of twenty years, it revives again, and has held on its way till now, one of the most resolute, consistent, determined and practically useful of the independent religious bodies in Great Britain. It is a growing body, and is growing in wisdom and in respectability and influence, even more than in numbers. Its foreign missionaries from England and Wales are in China, India, Africa, the West Indies, and in several other parts of the world, laboring successfully for the promulgation of the Christian faith, and extending both their order and the

kingdom of Christ through the world. This church gives the first great impulse to republican principles in England, produces some of the most illustrious lights of the world, among which is the divine Milton, and, up to the present time, has been the uncompromising and staunch defender of civil and religious liberty, and the loud and earnest pleader for the practical equality and brotherhood of the human race.

Persecuted and oppressed in Great Britain, it comes to these then wild and barren shores, unfolds here the standard of Christ and of civil and religious liberty, and lays the foundation of the noblest Christian empire that the world has yet seen. Under its mighty and benignant influence, the wilderness of New England was made, in a few years, to bud and blossom as the rose, and to become like the garden of God. Its people raised themselves to that dignity and sublimity of character that they dared to resist the oppressions of England in all their incipient stages; and, finally, to unite with their fellow-citizens of the other colonies, to disengage themselves from the British empire, and establish their national independence by the force of arms. None but the most resolute or the most imprudent of men would have dared to venture on so bold, so perilous an experiment. None but the most generous would have put so much to hazard, for so little benefit to themselves, personally, though so great a benefit for future ages and distant nations.

New England Congregationalism was the school of New England patriotism and republicanism. It was the nursery of those private and public virtues that qualified New England to perform the honorable part which devolved upon her, in the great revolutionary conflict. The same polity in the Baptist churches of the south was, with Jefferson and others, the model of the American republic. In the minds of the New England Congregationalists, democracy in the church had always suggested a corresponding democracy in the state.

The first cloud of the revolutionary war rose over New England. There the conflict began, and there first, the capacity of the

Americans to contend with the disciplined soldiery of England, in behalf of the holy cause of liberty, had to be tested. If New England had proved unequal to the conflict, in the first shock of arms, the whole country would have recoiled in discouragement, and all hope of liberty would have been lost. But God's grace was sufficient for his people in their time of need, and his people were equal to the emergency which they were called to meet. Lexington and Bunker Hill, which tried men's souls, found the New Englanders competent to sustain themselves on the high ground they had taken, and able to contend successfully against the veteran soldiers of Europe.

It is not claimed for the Congregational Puritans that they alone had the virtue and intelligence to meet the great crisis of those times. But it is claimed that the part that New England acted in those events was a leading and controlling part; one that turned the scale in favor of liberty; and that, if it had been far less decided and magnanimous, would have rendered the establishment of our independence and of republicanism impossible.

The first great service of Congregationalism in this country was giving us our revolutionary principles and spirit, and the courage and determination, having undertaken the conflict for liberty, to fight it through. Its second. benefit is giving us our republican government. We might have had our national independence, and have been under a hereditary monarchy and aristocracy. How much better to be under a republic! For this blessing, and the attendant and consequent benefits it may confer, we are indebted to Congregationalism. Episcopacy could not have given it; Presbyterianism could not have given it. Congregationalism did give it, and is the only church polity that could have given it. A third blessing of Congregationalism is its effect in promoting general intelligence, piety, and virtue; and thus laying a foundation, in the character of the people, for the stability and permanence of the government, and the indefinite improvement of our social and political institutions.

The cause of the liberty of the human race is bound up in the same bundle with republican Christianity. Let republicanism prevail in the church, and be extended through the world, and it will pass from the church to the state, and prevail there. Universal republicanism in the church would lead, in its ultimate result, to universal republicanism in the state. Nor can that result be attained by any other method. Republicanism came first in the church in this country, and was propagated thence to the state. There is no other so effectual method of its propagation.

It is thought by many to be of little consequence what the plan of church organization and government is, provided there is a wise and faithful administration. But it is of some consequence to have the best plan. An organization on the best plan, in the same hands, may be of vastly greater use than an inferior organization. In the complicated struggles and manifold temptations and difficulties of life, we want every advantage we can possibly have. The church wants the same. If Congregationalism is any better than other polities, the church wants it.

The Congregationalist scheme of church organization consults for the greatest possible exaltation of the church. As it commits everything to the hands and care of the membership, so it demands of the membership a corresponding degree of intelligence and public virtue. Nor does it demand this in vain. It secures it; and is able to do it generally.

Congregationalism began its career in this country in 1620. In 1776 it led to the declaration of our national independence; then to our republican government; and, later still, to all our prosperity and happiness. Two hundred and thirty-four years have passed, and behold what hath the Lord wrought by this mighty agency! We have twenty-five millions of people, most of whom are enjoying the blessings of civil and religious liberty to an extent unprecedented and unequalled in any past age, or any other part of the globe. And the great blot on our national honor, from the existence of slavery, is not the fault of Congre

gationalism, but of other despotic organizations of the church, which are less able to cope with organic vices and sins.

Slaveholding derives very little support from Congregationalism. That system of government in the church is not in its favor, but against it. The systems which are principally enlisted in its support, and which are depended upon to keep it in credit, are the Papal, Episcopal, and Presbyterian systems. The Quakers, who first prohibited slaveholding in their connection, are church republicans and independents. Had they not been, they never could have carried this measure. Neither of the two

great schools of Presbyterians are able to prohibit slaveholding to their members; notwithstanding that a large proportion, perhaps a numerical majority, of their members, would be glad to do so.

No other church can begin to claim that relation to the great liberal movements of the age which belongs, unquestionably, to church democracy. And this democracy has but begun its career; it has but started in its race. It has not yet perfected its own institutions, or settled down on its ultimate methods of prosecuting the great ends and purposes of its existence. If it has been able to act the Hercules in its cradle, and to strangle the malignant serpent of despotism in its infancy, how much more will its full maturity be characterized by Herculean labors of beneficence and love! God has put peculiar honor on the infancy of Congregationalism, both in Europe and America. He has acknowledged it as one of the great instruments of his providence, to revolutionize the condition of the human race, and to subvert the thrones of despotism.

Had not a false and deceitful liberality diverted Congregationalists from a just and proper support and dissemination of the principles of their order in America, they would at this moment have been much more numerous and influential than they now are, and their country and the fortunes of the human race have been proportionably more advanced. A considerable part of the domain of Presbyterianism in America should have been