council of last November. I have therefore, at present, no official communication to make to you on the subjects contained therein; but I cannot, at the same time, avoid expressing to you personally my own anxious desire, that, availing your selves of this opportunity, you would give a patient and favourable consideration to any measures of amelioration which, in your wisdom and experience, you may think could with safety be adopted, for, important as it is, that amelioration in the condition of the slave should be progressive, the advantage at the present moment of any effectual step of this nature, emanating from your selves, would be doubly great, extending its beneficial influence over the feelings alike of the lowest individuals in this colony, and of the highest authorities of the mother country. The gratitude of the slave would be due, where it might most safely be directed, to the im. mediate representatives of his master, and the committees of the im. perial legislature would acknow. Jedge with peculiar satisfaction, by any instance of spontaneous co-operation in the objects of their labours from such a quarter."

The reply of the assembly was perfectly cordial as respects his excellency, but the house used the following remarks in reference to the powers of the British parliament, and the proceedings of the anti-slavery party in E. gland.

"This house was no party to the measure by which an inquiry was obtained in one house of the British parliament, by the West India proprietors residing out of this island; nor do we admit that the house of commons can institute any effectual inquiry in relation to the social institutions of this island, or its internal affairs. To understand the laws

of any society, and the influence of customs and habits over those laws, a personal residence among the inhabitants of the country is indispensable. No evidence can convey over 4500 miles those circumstances which most materially affect the welfare of a people, and which to be appreciated must be seen. Countries might be mentioned where the laws in theory have been considered perfect, but where, after centuries of legislation, the people are starving and wretched. This, we are proud to say, is not the case in Jamaica, notwithstanding all the defects incident to the state of slavery, originally forced on us by Great Britain.

"As this house never did recognize the resolutions of parliament in 1823: as this house never did admit the right of the house of commons to legislate on the internal affairs of Jamaica, even when the West Indies were indirectly represented in parliament, we never can concede that a house of commons, which is to exist upon the principle that actual representation should be the foundation of legislation, can justly claim to legislate over us, their free fellow countrymen, in all respects their equals, but who have not, and cannot have, any voice whatever at their election, by whom, in consequence, we are not represented: who are strangers to our condition and interest, and whose attempts to dictate to us would consequently upon their own principles, the principles of their own existence as a legislative body, be ty. ranny, and not legislation.

"Experience prevents us from deluding ourselves with the hope of a dispassionate and impartial result from the proceedings of any committee of the commons house in relation to the West Indies, nor are

we strangers to the fact that pledges are now being exacted from candi. dates for seats in the imperial par. liament, to vote, in respect of the colonies, according to popular dictation, and not after ample and patient examination.

"This house has always declared, that they will constantly and readily adopt every measure for substantially benefiting the condition of the slave population, which our own local experience convinces us would really conduce to their welfare, and not injure those rights of property which our constituents were forced by the British government to acquire.

"By a reference to the laws of Jamaica, your excellency will perceive that this island was spontaneously providing for the protection and civilization of the slave, whilst the country which sold him to us was only calculating the profits of the traffic.

"Our sovereign has declared to us that his majesty has observed with great satisfaction various provisions for the improvement of the condition of the slaves, which, as his majesty has stated, originated entirely with the colonial legisla

ture.

"The finances of the country have been so impoverished by the recent insurrection, that it will scarcely be possible to provide for the island pay and subsistence of his majesty's garrison; and this house regrets that your excellency has not as yet received from his majesty's ministers any answer to the humble memorial to our sovereign for relief in this respect; but we do trust the reply to it will be dictated by a desire to show consideration for the effects of the late unfortunate revolution.

"Your excellency may with

confidence rely upon our aid in enacting every measure which may be required to discourage seditious and inflammatory language, of the evil effects of which the recent disasters and our present sufferings have furnished most melancholy proofs.

"No endeavour of this house shall be wanting to unite all classes of our society; and your excellency may depend upon our zealous co-operation in every effort directed to maintain the honour of our sovereign, and to promote the welfare of this island."

To these remarks the noble earl made the following reply:

"Mr. Speaker, and

Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

"I return you my most sincere thanks for those portions of your address personal to myself, in which you express confidence in my character, and approbation of the first acts of my government. These assurances acquire even additional value from their being shared, as you state them to be, by all classes of your constituents. I have also heard with much satisfaction, that it is your intention to take measures for preserving inviolate the public faith, as well in relation to the garrison, as in all other prospects, so far as is compatible with that consideration for the distresses of our constituents, which it is your peculiar province to show, and in which distresses I most truly sympathize.

I wish that, consistently with my sense of duty, I could here close my reply, and refrain from expressing to you the supreme surprise, t deep disappointment excited in my mind, by various sentiments, and by much of the general tone of your address. The speech with which I thought fit to open your session

was one which, there is none amongst you can doubt, was conceived in the most conciliatory spirit; nor do I believe that any one has thought of accusing it of containing one word at variance with such a spirit. It broached no theory, it required no sacrifice. It announced, only for the present, a boon and a concession; and for the future, patient examination at home, and a determination on my part, to report faithfully and fully from hence: I know not therefore how it called for a reply of so extraordinary and desultory a nature. You state mutual forbearance and conciliation to be the principles by which the legislature of Jamaica has always been guided. I regret the more that this day, when I thought that I had least right to expect it, you should have shown towards me this excep. tion of your general rule. Many of the topics you have introduced, I consider most inopportunely addressto me on this occasion, and to them, therefore, I hold it to be needless to make any reply.

"How far, for instance, you may consider it fitting in the present state of society, to make a disclaimer of any community of interest with the great body of West India proprietors, residing in England, is a question entirely between you and them, and on which I shall give no opinion farther than this: that when you make use of that dis. tinction in protesting your utter disregard and indifference with respect to the proceedings of the parliamentary committees, you might, in consistency, have recollected, that the first of these inquiries, to which you state yourselves to have been no party, was repeatedly pressed upon the government, in conjunction with the West India body, by your own accredited agent, with whom you

are in constant communication, at the very moment too, when you had vacated the chair of your own house, in order that your most distinguished member should, according to your own votes, embark for England, so as to be in time to meet the next session of the imperial legislature.'

"It certainly would not become me to enter into any discussion with you as to the principles on which you suppose the representation of the people of England to have been amended by the bill passed for its reform; nor dol know by what right you assume in addressing me, that the West Indies were ever indirectly more repre sented in parliament than they will be now. It was then, as now, only as representatives, legally elected by the people of the united kingdom, to superintend the interests of the whole empire, that gentlemen connected with this island could have a seat in that house, or could belong to one branch of that imperial legis lature, the omnipotence of whose united voice to legislate for the whole empire, if it so think fit, is beyond dispute. This is a subject which nothing should have induced me to originate. (It is one whose fruitless agitation can only lead to unnecessary irritation.) I regret most deeply that on such an occasion, you should have chosen gratu. itously to raise so invidious a question, by stating that you never did admit the right of the house of commons to legislate on the internal affairs of Jamaica. For all your established privileges I shall always maintain the most inviolable respect. But as the representative here of your sovereign and of mine, I can. not listen to the declaration of any such doubt addressed to me, without asserting in the most unequivocal

terms, the transcendant power of the imperial legislature, regulated only by its own discretion, and limited only by restrictions they themselves have imposed. The long experience of the past, as to a right which has always existed, is your best security for the future, that it will never be exerted, but in extreme cases; and no one would more deplore than myself, should imperious necessity ever require such direct interference. But it is unfortunate at this moment, that you could not have rather preferred a temperate appeal to the justice, than a vain de. nial of the rights of the British nation. The undisturbed conscious. ness of strength on the part of a great and generous people, is the surest safeguard that the nicest strengh of equity will continue to act as a self-imposed restraint, on the exercise of unusual, but indisputable power. You repeat the complaint, that distance, coupled with other causes not before enumerated, occasion you often to be misrepresented in the mother country; and, in reference to this, you kindly state your conviction, that my efforts will be directed by a desire to do you justice. The short experience I have yet had of Jamaica has interested me much in her welfare; and with her extraordinary natural resources, it seems impossible not to hope, that she must be destined to see better days; and any plan by which such prospects may be im proved, shall always engage my immediate attention, whilst to my pro. fessed determination to report you faithfully, improved as my opinions must be by the further opportunities of observation, I will at all times adhere. But in the spirit of candour which I professed, I must recommend you to judge others as you would be judged yourselves, and to

consider that distance may have prevented you also from acquiring adequate sources of information before you prejudge the report of a future house of commons on no better authority than a few scattered pledges, alleged to have been exacted from certain candidates not yet chosen for a parliament, not yet selected, who might become members of a committee not yet formed, and which committee you therefore refuse to believe can be impartial on a question on which it is impossible it can be interested. It is such premature complaints, such groundless accusations, which alienate the public mind in Europe from the cause of the colonists; and if you continue thus to speak for youselves, I much fear that it will be in vain that any one will attempt to speak for you there.

"In the opinion which I have most unwillingly felt it to be my duty to express upon the tone of this address, I have endeavoured to soften every topic, even to avoid any phrase which might, through misconstruction, be injurious, by exciting erroneous impressions in the minds of certain classes within this island, or elsewhere. Under all the unexpected discouragement of this address, I shall continue speedily to pursue that course which I consider for the benefit of the colony. I am grateful for your expressions of personal good feeling. I am willing to believe that some parts of this address were not so cautiously considered by the whole house as perhaps might have been expected, on account of the importance it derives. from its general diffusion as an appeal to the executive. I trust, there: fore, that your further proceedings will be more in accordance with the spirit in which I have first addressed you: but under any possible

circumstances, I have the greatest reliance, that not only by the present consistency of the island, but by the inhabitants in general, the mo. tives of any act of my government will be justly appreciated, so long as I am cheered and supported by the internal conviction that I have no other object than the promotion of the welfare of all classes of the community, which his majesty has committed to my charge."

This message was referred to a committee, who made the following Report.

"Mr. Speaker, Your committee, to whom was referred his excellency's speech at the opening of the session, the address of this house in an answer, and his excellency's reply; recommend to the house to come to the following resolution:

"Resolved, That this house observe with regret the animadversions of his excellency the governor on some parts of their address, in answer to his excellency's speech at the opening of the session. The house disavow any intention on their part to deviate from that tone of conciliation which pervades his excellency's speech. It was the most anxious wish of the house to express to his excellency their devoted attachment to their sovereign, and their high respect and personal consideration for his excellency as governor of the island. The house, however, feel it imperative on them, and in accordance with former precedents, to declare, without meaning to offend or to infringe on the rights of others, that it is their determination, as it is their duty, to maintain steadily the privileges and immunities which the free inhabitants of Jamaica are entitled to in common with other British subjects; these are so well defined by law, and sanctioned by

long usage, as not to be mistaken. The house therefore rely with per fect confidence, that whilst they confine themselves to the conscientious discharge of their duty, they will receive from the representative of their sovereign the most favourable construction of their acts and intententions which is due to them as legal and faithful subjects; but this the house must protest, on behalf of their constituents, as well as of themselves, against the doctrine stated by his excellency as applicable to this colony, which asserts as beyond dispute, the transcendant power of the imperial legislature, regula. ted only by its own discretion, and limited only by restrictions they may themselves have imposed.' Such a doctrine is as subversive of the acknowledged rights, as it is dangerous to the lives and properties of his majesty's faithful and loyal subjects of this island, who, although they acknowledge the supremacy of a common sovereign over the whole empire, never can admit such supremacy in one por ion of his majesty's subjects residing in the parent state, over another portion of their fellow subjects resident in Jamaica."