Sivut kuvina
PDF
ePub

sidered the confession of the gentleman to be of immense importance. Yes, sir, the whole feeling of the country is opposed to the high protective system. The wily serpent that crept into our Eden, has been touched by the spear of Ithuriel. The senator is anxious to prevent the ruin which a sudden abolition of the system will produce. No one desires to inflict ruin upon the manufacturers; but suppose the southern people, having power to control the subject, should totally and suddenly abolish the system, what right would those have to complain who had combined to oppress the south? What has the tariff led us to already? From one end of the country to the other, it has produced evils which are worse than a thousand tariffs. The necessity of appealing now to fraternal feeling, shows that that feeling is not sleeping, but nearly extinguished. He opposed the introduction of the bill as a revenue measure, and upon it demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered.

Mr. Smith, of Md., observed, that the bill was no cure at all for the evils complained of by the south. They wished to try the constitutionality of protecting duties. In this bill there was nothing but protection, from beginning to end. We had been told that if the bill passed with common consent, the system established by it would not be touched. But he had once been cheated in that way, and would not be cheated again. In 1816,

it was said the manufacturers would be satisfied with the protection afforded by the bill of that year, but in a few years after they came and insisted for more, and got more. After the first four years, an attempt would be made to repeal all the balance of this bill. He would go no farther than four years in prospective reduction. The reduction was on some articles too great. He would go no lower than 20 per cent. on cotton.

Mr. Holmes confessed that this was the first time but one that he ever heard an objection made to a motion of leave. Common courtesy required that any senator should have leave to introduce any bill he pleased. He did not know whether he should like the principles of this bill, but he would like to have it on the table, and sce whether he would approve of it. As to punishment-the friends of protection would submit to none, for they had committed no crime. The cotton interest of the U. States had grown up under a protection of three cents a pound, which it had enjoyed since the year 1790; and since, by this crime, it had been protected enough, its friends were very willing to denounce protection. It was extraordinary that a proposition of reconciliation should not be received, and that the yeas and nays should be called upon it. When he reflected that this is a proposition intended as a peace-offering, and considered the manner of its reception, he almost wished that he had complied with the request of his con

vidual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have had the honour of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me; and the same desire of restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment-but that would be asking too much of human nature-if we could suffer, for one moment, party feelings and party causes-and and as I stand here before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people-I should hope that, under such feelings, and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country.

Mr. Clay concluded with asking leave to introduce his bill.

Mr. Forsyth presumed, he said, that the motion for leave, in its present stage, was a subject of discussion; if so, he begged leave to say a word or two in opposition to it. The avowed object of the bill would meet with universal approbation. It was a project to harmonize the people; and it could have come from no better source than from the gentleman from Kentucky, for to no one were we more indebted than to him for the discord and discontent which agitate us. But a few months ago it was in the power of the gentleman, and those with whom he acted, to settle this question at

once and for ever. The opportunity was not seized, but he hoped it was not passed. In the project now offered he could not see the elements of success. The time was not auspicious. But fourteen days remained of the session; and we had better wait the action of the house on the bill now before them, than, by taking up this new measure here, produce a cessation of their action. Was there not danger that the fourteen days would be exhausted in useless debate? Why twenty men, with a sufficiency of breath, for words they would not want, could annihilate the bill, though a majority in both houses were in favour of it. He objected, too, that the bill was a violation of the constitution, because the senate had no power to raise revenue. Two years ago the same senator made a proposition, which was rejected on this very ground. The offer, however, would not be useless; it would be attended with all the advantages which could follow its discussion here. We shall see it and take it into consideration as the offer of the manufacturers. The other party, as we are called, will view it as a scheme of diplomacy; not as their ultimatum, but as their first offer. But the bargain was all on one side. After they are defeated, and can no longer sustain a conflict, they come to make the best bargain they can. The senator from Kentucky says, the tariff is in danger: ay, sir, it is at its last gasp. It has received the immedicable wound-no hellebore can cure it. He con

sidered the confession of the gentleman to be of immense importance. Yes, sir, the whole feeling of the country is opposed to the high protective system. The wily serpent that crept into our Eden, has been touched by the spear of Ithuriel. The senator is anxious to prevent the ruin which a sudden abolition of the system will produce. No one desires to inflict ruin upon the manufacturers; but suppose the southern people, having power to control the subject, should totally and suddenly abolish the system, what right would those have to complain who had combined to oppress the south? What has the tariff led us to already? From one end of the country to the other, it has produced evils which are worse than a thousand tariffs. The necessity of appealing now to fraternal feeling, shows that that feeling is not sleeping, but nearly extinguished. He opposed the introduction of the bill as a revenue measure, and upon it demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered.

Mr. Smith, of Md., observed, that the bill was no cure at all for the evils complained of by the south. They wished to try the constitutionality of protecting duties. In this bill there was nothing but protection, from beginning to end. We had been told that if the bill passed with common consent, the system established by it would not be touched. But he had once been cheated in that way, and would not be cheated again. In 1816,

it was said the manufacturers would be satisfied with the protection afforded by the bill of that year, but in a few years after they came and insisted for more, and got more. After the first four years, an attempt would be made to repeal all the balance of this bill. He would go no farther than four years in prospective reduction. The reduction was on some articles too great. He would go no lower than 20 per cent. on cotton.

Mr. Holmes confessed that this was the first time but one that he ever heard an objection made to a motion of leave. Common courtesy required that any senator should have leave to introduce any bill he pleased. He did not know whether he should like the principles of this bill, but he would like to have it on the table, and see whether he would approve of it. As to punishment-the friends of protection would submit to none, for they had committed no crime. The cotton interest of the U. States had grown up under a protection of three cents a pound, which it had enjoyed since the year 1790; and since, by this crime, it had been protected enough, its friends were very willing to denounce protection. It was extraordinary that a proposition of reconciliation should not be received, and that the yeas and nays should be called upon it. When he reflected that this is a proposition intended as a peace-offering, and considered the manner of its reception, he almost wished that he had complied with the request of his con

stituents a little before, and resigned. Then he would not have been here to see such a proposition rejected.

Mr. Forsyth replied, that if the senator from Kentucky had not explained the provisions of the bill, and shown them to be unconstitutional, he should have no objections to its introduction. If the senator from Maine had never before heard of an objection to a motion for leave to introduce a bill, he would probably hear of it hereafter. He had not spoken of any punishment for the friends of the protective system in this body, but of the manufacturers generally. I know, said Mr. Forsyth, that the friends of the manufacturers are undergoing their sentence at this

moment.

Mr. Poindexter returned his hearty thanks to the senator from Kentucky for introducing this bill, and he hoped he would have leave. We have arrived at a singular state of things, (said Mr. P.) We see honourable senators decrying the tariff as ruinous and oppressive, and yet voting for fleets and armies to carry it into effect. When an honourable senator proposes conciliation, it is opposed as something which ought to be averted and avoided. Fourteen days we have spent here in idle debate, upon a question whether we should declare war upon S. Carolina or not. The senator from Kentucky has offered at last an olive branch; but though the senator from Georgia is willing to make war, to enforce the accursed tariff, yet he will refuse

the tender of an offer to remove its burdens. As to the constitutional point, the only violation of the rule prohibiting the senate from originating a bill raising revenue, would take place at the consummation, not at the inception of the measure. We have had a previous bill before us which ought to have been kicked out of this body as soon as it was shown here; but this measure, which looks to the peace and tranquillity of the country, did not meet with as much favour as that from the honourable senator from Georgia. The sovereign penacea for healing all our wounds, and restoring perfect health to the body politic, is that which the judiciary committee has reported, viz: doses of cannon balls, bullets, and bayonets. He protested against an inconsistency which would bring out the whole of the country to carry the tariff laws into effect, and then refuse to receive any proposition to modify the tariff.

Mr. Sprague said time enough had not yet been afforded to determine whether he should be able to give this important bill his ultimate support or not. That would depend upon a more deliberate examination of its principles and details. The only question now before the senate was, whether leave should be given to introduce it-whether it should be laid before the senate. If the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Forsyth) had confined himself simply to his constitutional objections, he, Mr. S., would not have arisen. But

what had the senate heard? What was the condition of the country? Disquieted, disturbed, almost convulsed, laws annulled, violent resistance to their enforcement threatened, apprehensions of disaster and ruin on the one hand, and civil war on the other, spreading far and wide. Already the din of preparation is borne upon the southern breeze; and we may almost hear the clangor of arms. On all sides of the house, and from all quarters out of the house, they had heard the anxious hope expressed, that some measure might be devised which should give peace to the country. It was their solemn and official duty to seek, anxiously to seek and embrace measures of tranquillity. A proposition to that effect, from a source entitled to the highest consideration, is presented to us, accompanied by an explanation conciliatory in its language, and elevated in its sentiments. How has it been met? and that, too, by a senator from that section of country which raised aloud the cry of oppression, and which the bill proposes to relieve? In the first place, by a sarcasm upon the honourable mover! By telling the gentleman from Kentucky that a measure of peace comes with peculiar propriety from him, who, of all men, had most contributed to the distraction which pervades the country. Is this the mode in which tranquillity is to be restored, by repelling propositions with reproaches upon its author? Are the feelings thus excited, in order to

produce harmony and concord?

But the gentleman did not stop there. The feelings of all who have heretofore sustained the great American system, were assailed in a manner to excite any emotions but those of conciliation. The gentleman sounded the note of triumph and victory, vaunting as over a fallen foe; and denouncing punishment and retribution! He would not even receive from them propositions of peace, unconditional submission seemed to be demanded. One would have thought that they were suppliants at his feet, and that he could trample upon them with impunity. But he warned the gentleman against trusting to so gross a delusion. They are yet erect, with arms in their hands, and vigour and spirits to wield them with effect. If war is to be waged, he will find that the battle is not yet won, and let him that putteth on the harness, boast not that he putteth it on. The time for his shout of victory and triumph has not yet arrived. Triumph over whom? the friends and supporters of protection-the north, middle and western sections of our country?

In his assumption, that this has emanated from the weakness of the friends of protection, the gentleman is in profound error-it proceeds not from their weakness, but their strength. The feeble cannot yield with safety or honour-the powerful may with both. It is a proposition from the strong to the weak; and it is because they are strong, that they can make the

« EdellinenJatka »