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sively by means of such notes;” and, in another part of the same communication

Scotland, as well as in England, have occasionally been subject. Banks of this description must necessarily be conducted upon the general understood and approved principles of banking." With such au

of some of the smaller bankers: but not so in Scotland, where the people were perfectly satisfied with the solvency" The failures which have occurred in of their bankers, and the accommodation England, unaccompanied as they have which they afforded. In England, the been by the same occurrences in Scotland, evil to be corrected was, the too great tend to prove that there must have been extent of the small bank-note system; an unsolid and delusive system of banking and the remedy to be applied was, the in one part of Great Britain, and a solid suppression of all notes under 5. leaving and substantial one in the other." And their place to be supplied by gold. again" In Scotland there are not more But then, it was said, that for unifor- than thirty Banks, and these Banks have mity's sake, the same system should be stood firm amidst all the convulsions in extended to Ireland and Scotland, and the money-market in England, and amid particularly to the latter; for if the small- all the distresses to which the manunote circulation were still upheld there,facturing and agricultural interests in it must necessarily interfere with, and injuriously affect, the British gold currency, by being mixed up with it. Now, he denied that this could ever take place in the manner apprehended; for nobody in England would countenance the circula-thority for the excellence of the system, tion of Scottish notes in preference to their own gold coin. The hon. member then entered into a brief history of the Scotch banking system since its establishment; and pointed out, that as no inconvenience whatever had been found in its practical operation, it was most unwise to meddle with it. As to the appointment of the proposed committee, feeling the case of Scotland to be so strong, he should not oppose it. All he hoped was, that the proceedings of the committee would be so directed as to avoid mischief. Care ought to be taken that, while they were investigating the system, no discredit was cast upon individual institutions. The subject in that point of view, was one of extreme delicacy.

what necessity was there for inquiry? Were ministers persuaded that they had then formed an erroneous opinion? Had any new light broke in upon them since they penned these sentences? If not, what was it that they wished to inquire into? If it was into the actual currency of Scotland, every Scotch member could inform them, that it was paper. The only question, therefore, was, whether it was desirable to alter it? And that was one of great magnitude. Scotland had prospered under the present system, and was prospering; and he thought that, with the unanimous voice of the country against any interference with it, it must be considered a strong measure. He regretted that the question had been agitated at all. It had already produced a considerable degree of distrust and want of confidence in the public mind, and would produce still more, if persevered in.

Captain Gordon contended, that no good could arise from the appointment of a committee. The very circumstance of inquiry led to the presumption that there was something unsound in the Scotch Mr. W. Dundas thought, that governsystem of banking. But, that that was ment deserved thanks for its conduct on not the case, he had the authority of the this occasion. He was astonished at the first lord of the Treasury and of the chan-objections brought forward by some hon. cellor of the Exchequer, who now pro- members to a committee of inquiry. That posed the inquiry. They said in their inquiry was not, whether the banking escommunications with the Bank-"We tablishments in Scotland were in a solvent have a further proof of the truth of what condition or conducted on sound princi has been advanced, in the experience of ples, but whether the withdrawal of the Scotland, which escaped all the convul- one-pound notes would be hartful to its sions which have occurred in the money interests. The members from the northern market of England for the last thirty-five part of the empire thought that no evil years, though Scotland, for the whole could result from circulating them; but of that time, has had a circulation of would others take their mere words for one-pound notes, and the small pecuniary the fact? He looked with attachment to transactions of that part of the United a system which had prevailed for upwards Kingdom have been carried on exclu- of a hundred years, and under which his

country had prospered; but if that system the disadvantages of the proposed alterwere weak, he was willing to surrender itation of the law with respect to Ireland,

for a better. Feeling his case strong, he courted the fullest investigation. To dread it was a sign of weakness.

Mr. Home Drummond was glad the chancellor of the Exchequer had so candidly admitted the existence of the feeling on this subject, which, be it right or wrong, most certainly did prevail in Scotland, and which, notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, was so universal, and so strong among persons of all opinions on other subjects, that he did not think he could have been persuaded, in opposition to that feeling, to vote for any measure at present to alter the system of currency now established in Scotland, even if his understanding had been convinced of the propriety of the change; while it is admitted on all hands, that no paramount necessity calls for any immediate interference. To a committee of inquiry, however, he could have no objection, which could tend only to bring out the truth; and he was sure the Scotch banks had no reason to shrink from any investigation of their system. This was not a fit time to enter into details that would be the business of the committee. But he could not allow this opportunity to pass, without observing, that he did not join in the complaints of which, of late, so much had been heard, as to the grievances of Scotland. He was much more inclined to boast of the advantages she enjoys. He desired for himself, and he believed he might say on the part of every Scotch member of that House, to disclaim all feelings of jealousy of English influence or English interference, [hear, hear]. He had never entertained such a feeling at any time, and never felt less inclined to entertain it, than at present. If we consider what Scotland was before the Union, distracted and impoverished by civil broils and dissensions, and borne down by oppression of every form and degree, and trace its history onwards to the present time, instead of a catalogue of grievances arising from her connection with England, we find a long catalogue of benefits and blessings, to which no Scotchman, who allows himself to think coolly on the subject, can look back with any other feelings than those of unmingled gratitude and respect for the wisdom and the bounty of the British parliament.

Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald said, he had not, on the one hand, been insensible to

at the same time that he did not partici pate in that spirit of resistance, or rather of rebellion, which had been raised against it from certain quarters. He did not mean rebellion in the usual sense; he meant a rebellion of paper against gold, which had broken out in Scotland [a laugh]. At all events, if not rebellion, there was certainly a very marked seditious spirit manifested in the appeal that was made to to the Scotch to oppose the alteration of the law. But, he owned he had not looked with any degree of apprehension to this expression of feeling, principally because he had no great faith in the permanency of the resistance that would be made to it—an opinion which was justified by the returning symptoms of loyalty that began to exhibit themselves in the northern part of the kingdom. He was glad, however, to be able to vindicate his countrymen from any participation in the resistance which had been carried to such an extent in other quarters, notwithstanding the inflammatory suggestions which had been offered to their minds. This forbearance, he owned, might be attributable, not so much to the steady principle of loyalty, as to the blundering disposition of his countrymen; who, as that ancient historian said of them, "never rebelled at the right time" [a laugh]. The paper of England and Ireland was different. In the former, it was vitiated from various causes, and that vitiation had led to remedial measures: in the latter, the same difficulties had occurred several years ago; and the consequence was, that the circulation of the country was now restricted, and inadequate to meet the necessities of the country. Of all the Banks which existed at that time, only nine remained, and of these, few issued their own notes. The paper in circulation was that of the bank of Ireland, which was safe and unobjectionable, and therefore, in so far as the question related to the circulation of Ireland, no one could deny that it was good. Some new banks had lately been established, and they were constituted on the same principles as those of Scotland. He was not, however, an advocate for an excessive circulation of paper. He was no admirer of the principles of those modern philosophers who sat around him. He abhorred and detested them. He did not object to the principle of a gold currency, but he did not see that

Mr. T. Wilson agreed, that where the system was admitted to be pure, it was unnecessary to institute an inquiry. It was not usual to call a man to the bar of the House for the purpose of inquiring into his good conduct. The argument of good conduct was the worst that could be made in support of the motion. The necessity of inquiry implied that something wrong was apprehended. Much injury had already been done to the English banks by the measures of the government; and the inquiry might inflict the same on the Scotch. It was, if he might use so homely an illustration, tantamount to giving a dog a bad name.

The motion was agreed to.

there was any necessity for applying it to Scotland. The case of Ireland in 1799 had been alluded to; and he would say, that she had been greatly benefited by the conduct of her parliament in that instance; but in 1804, their act was overturned in a wanton manner, and another substituted, which permitted the re-issue of small notes -a re-issue totally uncalled for, except by those who were interested in the circulation of small paper. He was then in office, and was the only individual who had stood up in opposition to it. He had then stated, that in Ireland, a bank had been set up by an apothecary and a captain of dragoons. What might have been the capital of the apothecary he knew not; but the sale of the captain's commission was all that he could muster on the occasion. The consequence was, that in two years afterwards he saw an advertisement calling in their notes to the amount of 490,000l. The mischief produced by their failure, was incalculable. But though his early feel-ments in Westminster abbey. He was ings were in favour of a metallic currency, induced to make the motion, in consehe must consider well, before he gave his quence of an item in the estimates, for a sanction to the intended measure, whether sum of money to the dean and chapter it would be possible to bring it into action for cleaning those monuments. He unwithout deranging the commercial system.derstood, the annual revenue of that estaThose who thought that the paper currency of Ireland and Scotland could be replaced by gold, without producing much inconvenience, were greatly deceived.

WESTMINSTER ABBEY.] Mr. Hume rose, to make a motion to the House relative to the money taken by the dean and chapter of Westminster from the public, for admission to view the Monu

blishment amounted to 20,000l. and that the individuals who attended visitors through the abbey, instead of being paid out of that fund, were remunerated by fees which the public ought not to pay. That House had very properly voted several sums for the erection of monuments in Westminster abbey, for the purpose of perpetuating the actions of illustrious individuals who had rendered great services to the country; and be under

Sir C. Forbes considered the motion unnecessary and uncalled for. The system as it existed was quite satisfactory. The hon. member for Montrose had alluded to several publications on the subject, but he considered it below the dignity of the House to spend half hours and hours in discussing the merits of anonymous pub-stood that large sums had been paid to lications, whether signed by Malachi Malagrowther, or any other fictitious name. He had read none of them, and therefore could not be swayed by any thing the authors advanced. He would not, however, vote against the motion. He approved so highly of the plain, downright, John Bull statements of the chancellor of the Exchequer on most occasions, that he would not now oppose him, though he disagreed with him as to the necessity of the measure.

Mr. Alderman Wood considered that there was no necessity for inquiry with regard to Scotland. If the hon. baronet would change his sentiment, and vote with him, he would divide the House on the question. If an inquiry must be instituted, let it embrace the whole kingdom.

the dean and chapter for permission to erect the monuments in the abbey. That being the case, he thought they ought to be open to the public for inspection. From a correspondence which had been put into his hands, it appeared, that the individuals appointed to superintend the collection of the money paid for admission, were the minor canons, among whom the money collected was divided. He believed that about fifty years ago the admission fee to the abbey was not more than a penny or twopence; a sum quite sufficient to keep out that description of persons who would be most likely to do injury to the monuments. His object was, to ascertain whether or not the dean and chapter had a right to demand money from the public for permission to view

monuments erected at the public expense. He had thought the dean and chapter would, by attending to the strong expression of public opinion upon the subject, have prevented the necessity of this motion. If it should turn out that the funds were not sufficient without the assistance of the admission fees to support the establishment, some arrangement might take place, but if it should turn out that that House or his majesty had no power to compel the dean and chapter to open the monuments to the inspection of the public, he should protest against granting a single shilling of the public money for permission to erect those monuments. He concluded by moving, for an account of the sums charged by the dean and chapter of Westminster for the admission of each visitor to view the public monuments in that abbey, the total amount received from that source in each year, for the last five years, and how the same has been appropriated.

Mr. Secretary Peel did not rise to oppose the motion, as he thought it fair that the House should be in possession of the information asked for. The hon. member, however, was in error, if he supposed that the dean and chapter of Westminster had any rights different from those of other deans and chapters. The House he believed, had no power to compel them to admit strangers to the abbey. He was also wrong in supposing that the fees for the admission of visitors were of recent origin. They had existed from very early periods, and instances might be found in the Record-office, of their being granted by patent; though, since the Restoration they had been granted during pleasure. In 1613, a patent was granted, which he had seen, to sir E. Phipps, sir R. Miller, and others, to collect the fees for shewing the monuments to visitors. At present the fees were divided among the minor canons and the choir. The amount of the income of the minor canons, who were obliged to attend about four months in the year, was about one hundred pounds per annum, and of this they drew about seventy pounds from the fees. The admission fee had been diminished, and was not at present more than was necessary to protect the monuments. The abbey was now opened three times a day to every body when divine service was performed; it was opened without any charge, at all seasonable times, to artists; and the admission fee had been

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reduced from 2s. to 1s. 3d. The total amount of the emoluments would be seen when the papers were produced. The hon. member was wrong if he supposed that the dean and chapter had not laid out any money in repairing the abbey. During the last twenty-five years, they had expended 53,6271. for that purpose; being on an average upwards of 2,000l. a year. During the last twelve years, 40,000l. had been applied to the repairs of the abbey, being more than 3,300l. per annum. This shewed that the dean and chapter had paid liberally for the maintenance of their magnificent abbey. They might mistake in demanding a sum for admission, but he was persuaded that they acted bona fide, and were sincere in their opinion, that such a sum was necessary to secure the safety of the monuments.

Mr. Hobhouse said, that when he was at Westminster school, Poets' corner and the aisle of the abbey, the only portion of the abbey which was viewed with interest, except by a person who might come to gaze about London for a few days, were open to the public. He thought the preferable mode would be, to have the abbey open, as it formerly was, to the public. and to appoint a guardian, whose duty it would be, to preserve the monuments from injury.

Mr. W. Smith thought, that as the public had paid considerable sums to the dean and chapter for permission to erect those monuments, upon which a large sum of public money had been expended, they ought to be open for inspection.

Mr. Peel said, it was a mistake to suppose, that the dean and chapter had received money for permission to erect the public monuments, although they occupied a considerable space in the abbey, for which individuals would pay.

Mr. Baring said, that if the rights contended for by the dean and chapter were pushed to their extent, they might as well shut up the abbey against the entrance of persons for the purpose of divine worship, contrary to the privilege which prevailed in every catholic country.

Mr. Alderman Wood said, that he knew an instance in which a member of that House, wearied with a dull committee, had gone to the Abbey and heard a good sermon, for which he paid nothing; but after it was over, he was asked for money to see the monuments. This, however, he refused, and there was no power to enforce it.

The motion was agreed to.

OF

CRUEL TREATMENT CATTLE BILL.] Mr. R. Martin having moved, that the bill be read a second time,

The Solicitor-General objected to the bill, as being too general and indefinite in its enactments.

Mr. R. Martin defended the principle of the bill, and maintained the general accuracy of the statements he had made on a former occasion, as to the instances of cruelty practised on several animals, and what he had said of the cruelty practised in Oxfordshire towards a bull. It was true that the tongue had been torn out of the animal while alive; but it was not sent round on a plate, but on a piece of paper. The other cases of cruelty lie had mentioned were also substantially correct. The case of the flaying of a dog alive was told him by a highly respectable magistrate. He thought he should have great reason to complain of the attorney-general, if he opposed the present bill; for it was in substance a copy of one which, on a former occasion, had been corrected and approved of by that learned gentleman. His object was, to place that faithful animal, the dog, on the same footing of protection with other domestic animals.

Mr. Alderman Wood said, he could not support the present bill, and thought he had reason to complain of the hon. member for having deserted his post the other evening when the flogging of men was under discussion. He trusted that when that question should next be agitated, the hon. member would favour the House with his attendance, and that he would not, in the mean time, expend all his sympathy upon dogs and cats, but reserve some portion of it for his own species.

Mr. George Lamb did not mean to charge the hon. member for Galway with venal motives; but he really thought the only person likely to be benefited by the reward to informers, was the hon. gentleman himself. He would oppose the bill, unless he could see that they were about to legislate upon some fixed principle, rather than upon isolated instances. Mr. Lockhart approved of the principle of the bill, which had received the sanetion of the legislature already, under the hon. member's auspices; but objected to any such extension of its principle as was intended by the present measure.

Mr. Trant opposed the bill, and moved, that it be read a second time this day six months.

Mr. Warre, although he had been a decided supporter of the other measures of the hon. member for Galway, could not give his vote for the present bill. He thought that as much had been done as the subject required, and that the hon. member ought to be satisfied without pressing other bills, for the protection of animals, on the consideration of parliament.

The amendment was agreed to, and the second reading put off for six months.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, March 17.

SCOTCH BANKS-SMALL-NOTE CURRENCY OF SCOTLAND AND IRELAND.} The Earl of Liverpool rose to move for a select committee, to inquire into the state of the circulation of Promissory Notes under 51. in Scotland and Ireland. The question was put and agreed to. After which, the noble earl moved, "that the petitions presented upon this subject be referred to the committee."

Earl Grosvenor thought the proposed inquiry could now be of no service. His majesty's government, before they had announced any intention of interfering with the system, ought to have been fully informed; and he supposed that they must have had sufficient information. Why, therefore, was there now to be a select committee appointed to inquire into the subject? He believed that all this originated in the fears excited in the minds of ministers by a celebrated personage, no other than Malachi Malagrowther; but he did not think it wise to yield to those fears, or to enter into any discussion upon a subject on which full information had been obtained. Indeed, he thought the discussion should have been left to Bradwardine Waverley, from whose hands Malagrowther seemed to have received a full and satisfactory reply. His lordship then repeated his former arguments with respect to a summary remedy for compelling the payment of small notes, and thereby giving to the poor, for whose benefit these alterations were professed to be made, real and effectual security.

The Earl of Liverpool thought the abjections of the noble earl to the appointment of a committee most extraordinary. At the commencement of the session,

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