gotten-in neither case is the capital unprofitably employed, withdrawn, and more advantageously directed. In both, or rather in all such cases successively, the capital is absolutely and for ever destroyed.

I cannot help here stepping a little out of the way, to notice, what would be the course pursued in such a case by communities formed on the Co-operative principle. In the case of the silk weavers, it is obvious they would attend to agriculture, the employment being more profitable than of their own depressed manufacture, and dexterity in the use of the spade being more easily acquired than in that of the tools of any other equally profitable branch of industry. The additional profit thus obtained, from agriculture, would not be the only pecuniary advantage gained by the associations. The glut in the markets for silk having ceased with the cessation of a large portion of the supply, the value of the industry employed in the manufacture would rapidly rise to the level of that employed in agriculture. If by contracting the supply too much the silk weaver's associations raised the value of the labour in their manufacture above the agricultural standard, the other societies would immediately begin to manufacture silk for their own consumption; and perhaps, also as, the case might require for sale, and would thus speedily bring back both the supply and the value of the labour to the proper equilibrium.

This plain and obvious principle, which already, for the interests of every description of persons, ought to regulate the supply and the value of all commodities whatever, has been erroneously supposed by many political economists actually to regulate the supply and value of the products of labour, under the existing imperfect arrangements of society; I hope, however, that the slight examination of facts which I have here noticed, will satisfy you of the fallacy of the supposition; were I warranted in taking up more room, in the paper in which this will be printed, I could occupy some pages on this subject, I fear, however, that I shall, as it is, be considered prolix, and I shall therefore hasten very briefly to notice the remainder of your letter.

After making some further extracts, you say, 66 upon this last class (proprietors of money and houses) no particular remarks need be made, I might mention one circumstance, which in treating these three classes separately, you appear to have overlooked; and that is, that the competition of the commercial class in selling their goods, and the receivers of rent, in letting their houses, has virtually the effect, even upon your own principles, of raising the wages of the labouring classes, who purchase the goods and occupy the houses of those two classes." This I grant, is to a certain extent true; but these two last classes mind, are compelled to reduce the prices of their commodities on account of the distress of the first, or labouring class, of all the persons concerned in the prosperity of a nation or of its branches of industry, the labourers are by far the most numerous. Can a nation, then, or any branch of its industry be said to be prosperous, unless

there is, not only a profit upon the capital employed, but, unless the labourers, that is, the greater number of the persons concerned, are in a situation of comfort and security? I must still say, and in this reply I hope I have adduced further arguments to prove, that" competition limits production" that is, competition under its present form, is as much as there is not half produced in this country, that might be produced with present powers of production, for thousands of ingenious artizans are starving in idleness, although they can manufacture the very articles, for the want of which they endure the most terrific sufferings, and abundance of which is even now manufactured for use, but which, owing to the devastating influence of competition in reducing their wages to a starving pittance, is placed far above their reach.

I am glad to find by the conclusion of your letter, that you are not an enemy to Co-operation, and our readers will have to determine whether your views are correct, and consequently, whether this be an infirm prop to Co-operation or not. Suffice it to say, on the part of the Co-operative principles, that as far as human judgment can go, there is every probability of their succeeding, and the fact of the competitive principles having for so long a time, and in all nations of the earth proved so destructive, is a sufficient plea for the opposite principles to be tried. Far be it from me, to contend that a very great change for the better could not take place even under the present system of society, I am fully convinced it could, but the seeds of disunion would still be seen among mankind, for, the interest of each individual is placed, in almost every circumstance and situation in direct opposition to the interests of other individuals, and to the interests of society at large.

We have in the present day abundance of knowledge how to produce wealth in almost any quantities, and our attention should now be turned to the best mode of distributing it, with a view to the greatest re-production, and I have no doubt, but the rapid advance of Co-operating societies, and trading union will quickly effect this desideratum, and that, by their benevolent and Godlike influence, this country will in due time rise, phoenix like, from the ashes, which now threaten to envelope and hide her glories from our gaze.* W. P * * an address delivered at the opening of the Bimingham Co-operative Society."

Author of "

April 20, 1829.

P. S. Allow me to recommend you to peruse a valuable work, entitled "An Enquiry into the Distribution of Wealth, &c., by W. Thompson." Published by Longman, and Co.

Fee, fau, fum, how fine! This last sentence destroys one's opinion of the writer's sound judgment.-R. C.

Printed and Published by RICHARD CARLILE, 62, Fleet-street, where all Communications, post-paid, or free of expense, are requested to be left.

The Lion.

No. 19. VOL. 3.] LONDON, Friday, May 8, 1829.

BAD STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

[PRICE 6d.

RIOTS AND

STARVATION AT MANCHESTER AND

SPITALFIELDS.

ENGLAND, Scotland, and Ireland, have a miserable population, miserable in the circumstance of inefficient labour, of inefficient wages of labour, of improvident and of superstitious habits. All good men, with or without religion, desire to see some change in this state of things. I, for my part, am incessant in my assaults upon their superstition and their improvident habits, which I hold to be the great first principle of domestic reform, or of beginning reform at home, or among the people themselves, without which, as a preliminary or collateral preparation, no other reform will benefit them, no change will be to their advantage. I am chief in the advocacy of this beneficial change. I see most clearly, and others see it; but I proclaim it clearly, that the first step to the amendment of their condition must be in the self-reformation that shall remove superstition, remove drunkenness, and prevent such an excess of children as proves a multiplication of difficulties and misery, in numbers to be provided for, and in labourers whose labour is not marketable, not wanted. The argument, that greater numbers than now exist can go to the soil and provide for themselves, is allowed; but is not available, until the monopoly of the soil which now exists, until the entire system and privilege of LANDLORDS can be removed. What we have to deal with is existing evil: and the talk about going to the soil for support, is to talk about a violent revolution that may produce we know not what effects: so let us deal with causes and effects that are known, tangible, and immediately available, since we cannot proceed to this violent revolution, and since other means, and more particularly the popular means of renouncing the supersti

Printed and Published by R. CARLILE, 62, Fleet Street. No. 19.-Vol. 3. 2 P

tion of the country may render it unnecessary. Besides, there is no disposition in the people of England and Scotland for this violent revolution. There is not yet moral, or courage, and knowledge enough among them, to do it well, nor general suffering enough to excite them to begin it; so long as they rob bakers' shops, destroy property, throw stones at constables, and run away at the sight of a soldier armed, they deserve not only starvavation, but damnation added to it. They are cowards, thieves, and rascals, who so act. I grant that hunger is not to be reasoned with, it is not to be told to be quiet and patient; but it is not to be satisfied with the destruction of silks, calicoes, and machinery. It is not to be sympathised with, when it proceeds to excesses of this kind. Rather let the hungry numbers present themselves to the magistrates of the district, and ask from those magistrates the rations that an army would require, and subsist ence in the same way. Let every inhabitant be assessed in equal proportion until the state of things is mended. Such is the law of this country. I copy from the newspapers the following descriptions of the country:

"New Lanark, April 29.

"I have seen no labouring population which bears so few marks of suffering as that of this extraordinary and beautiful village, placed as it is between the most magnificent scenery that can be figured or fancied, and which has given to Sir Walter Scott the materials of some of the most striking passages of his marvellous works. The Falls of the Clyde have been for ages topics of admiration, and the factory of New Lanark is placed between the two most magnificent of the Falls-viz., Stonebyres and Corra Linn. In both instances the water is broken in its fall over the cataract. Stonebyres is on the Glasgow road, hidden from the eye; but the ear is directed by its roar, and glorious and precipitate is its dashing down, the height being about 90 feet. But Corra Linn seemed more interesting to me; for the rocks around it are higher, the scenery more wooded, and the everlasting rainbows, with which the sparkling of the foamdrops accompany the tossing of the waters, are eminently ornamental; while the daws, whirling round and round in the higher regions of the ravines and dells, add a new and solemn character to the whole.

"New Lanark, it is known, has wholly passed away from the management of the gentleman, Mr. Owen, who owed so much of his fame to the picture of happiness presented by the labouring population of his manufactory. Mr. Owen is said to be pursuing schemes, in other lands, more distinguished for benevolence than wisdom; taking in hand materials somewhat less manageable and malleable than the industrious population of the Lowlands All who know Robert Owen know that he always proposes to do good; but his best friends fear that his sanguine and excited

temperament will leave him, in the end, deprived of those means of influence, without which good talents and good affections reckon for little in a country like this. It is ardently to be hoped that Robert Owen will never learn from sad experience that to be poor is to be helpless; and that no sagacity, wielded by the unopulent, is accounted for much when weighed against the idlest opinions and sinister interests of the wealthy. He who can drive about his carriage, and meet the Aristocracy on terms of equality, has a chance of influencing them; but the man who has nothing better than a cold word of wisdom may dance attendance long. The porter at the gate will soon teach him he is but an intruder.

"New Lanark is not, nor has it ever been, as has been sometimes supposed, a co-operative society. It was an experiment to associate more intimately the interests of the master with the happiness of the labourer, by combining in the same establishment all the elements of social existence. The factory does not pay its servants in goods, but it has its own stores; and, though no compulsion is employed, yet, as the prices are somewhat lower than in ordinary shops, the labourers have every motive to purchase them. Medical attendance and religious instruction are also provided at the expence of the concern; but the most interesting part of the social machinery is, undoubtedly, the education of the children of the labourers. One of the earliest infant schools was that of New Lanark. From the age of two or three the children are taken charge of, and the business of education begins. They are afterwards transferred to the more advanced schools. No sight can be more delightful than that of the singing and dancing classes at the break of day. Sweeter notes I never heard-more graceful movements I never saw. The blending of many voices-the voices of children-each attuned harmoniously, is, I own, more soothing to my senses than any woodland songs; and to see young people clad in coarse garments, and unshod, bowing to one another with all the courtesy of the most polished society, and leading about their partners with the gentleness of good breeding, seems a guarantee that in future life there will be no fierceness, no brutality, in their intercourse with their fellows; and methought the very physiognomy of the inhabitants of New Lanark has something in it characteristic of a better state of things than exists elsewhere.

"Some months ago the Glasgow newspapers teemed with attacks upon the New Lanark establishment on account of a reduction in the rate of wages there. The newspapers were quite right in inserting communications emanating from the labouring classes, who ought always to be encouraged to state what they deem their grievances; and who, in this neighbourhood, at least, have abundant talent to make those grievances known. I hear, however, that of those who abandoned the mills at that period,