little advantage might offer in the general uproar:-the confirmation of these suggestions will be clearly found in the present appearance and disposition of the several Powers; and the position we advance is sufficiently corroborated, that the power of France is still the predo minating principle in the control and management of the political affa rs in Europe; to that power the different States are constrained to look up, and against which it is in vain to contend. In the late struggle, Austria has been declared to hold the balance, and it is even now rumoured, that she has so far shewn her authority, as to have made known her determination, that which ever party shall first stir to arms shall have her to contend with also; from all which it is infer red that hostilities will not be renewed; and, if not renewed, we fear it to be as much from French intrigue as from their power in the field. The change of fortune in Spain, it is expected, will have its due weight against the overbearance of the French Emperor, who cannot now, it is imagined, venture to talk of Joseph's right and title, since such right existed only in possession.-Still we are apprehensive that there exist too many obstacles to peace, at least with England, to admit of hope, although Spain be free; and if there be no peace with England, so will there be no security for the independence of the Peninsula.— In the mean time, we participate in the public anxiety to have these doubts resolved, and ardently trust the furor for war will at length subside, and the blessings of tranquillity once more cherish and console mankind. THE PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. The Session has been closed by a Speech from the Throne, delivered by the Prince Regent, and which, for insipidity and dullness, has scarcely been equalled by any similar production of ministerial effort or effrontery. But it is not alone to this Speech or its framers, that we would wish to direct the attention of our Readers, but to a Speech from the Speaker of the House of Commons to His Royal Highness; not that we mean to say it was not perfectly in order for Mr. Abbott to have made a Speech on the occasion, but it is the subject and tendency of his Speech which we have to remark upon, and which we conceive to have been most completely out of all order and decency, and totally unbefitting and unbecoming of him to offer, more especially when it is found to have sprung from his own entire suggestion, without any previous advice or admission from the Members, in whose place he stood as their Representative.-In the first place, Mr. Abbott told his Prince, that, "upon reflecting on what was past, we looked back with satisfaction on our domestic policy, and to the future with a lively hope:" this, however pleasing it unght sound in the ears of His Royal Highness and the characters about him, both he and they, as well as Mr. Abbott, knew to be mere common place, without meaning, and, what is more, without truth.-The next point was the finances, which, in the very teeth of bankruptcy pervading the whole Empire, collectively and individually, from the Tradesman to the Treasury, this conscientious Personage represented as the most flourishing and happy, from the effect of superior felicity in its contrivance and management, and which, as he said, would "materially accelerate the extinction of the National Debt, without a correspondent burthen upon the People;"-when the fact turns out to be, that both will be considerably augmented by this notable measure. — Our Commerce, he next said, was looking forward to something particularly cheering, not with respect to the prospect of Peace, but merely to the new arrangements. with the India Company; which was only a reflection upon his prede cessors who had been so long blind to the national interests.-The next topic, and the one on which the public odium appears principally to rest, was the notice which he chose to take of what, indeed, the Ministers thems Ives had not dared to touch upon, or to put into the Royal Mouth, namely, the defeat of the Catholic Claims.-It was most true, that the Catholic Bill had been thrown out by a small majority, and towards which the Right Hon. Gentleman had done his part; but. it was one thing to give his opinion constitutionally in the Senate, and another to boast of it before the Throne, as if invoking an opinion in return, and what is more, using that opinion in the way of a needless triumph. Besides, did not the Right Honourable Gentleman know. that rumour had assigned a contrary disposition to some of those he then spoke before, and that the air of triumph with which it was delivered might have soanded somewhat grating in such ears?-With regard to the rest of the Speech, it may not partake of any thing unusually offensive, but this point, it was evident, neither Prince nor Minister was prepared to meet, much less to answer. And the only palatable part of the Speech, or that which could alone compensate for this unpleasant allusion, was the tender of the Vote of Credit Bill, which places Five Millions at the disposal of the Servants of the Crown. July 29, 1913. A. Z. MONTHLY MIRROR OF THE TIMES, FOR JULY, 1813. AMERICA. THE DIALOGUE OF NATIONS. [Continued from Page 244.] The several pleas of FRANCE and ENGLAND in favour of that devouring principle, which has absorbed their Neighbours' rights, and, by an arbitrary exercise of power and influence, rendered them a prey to their insatiate ambition and the alternate preponderance of authority, have been heard with patience and attention; each has advanced her argument in support of her system, and with a specious frankness has appealed to consequences in its justification.-ENGLAND inquires whom she has wronged; FRANCE, whom she has enslaved; the one boasts her principle for the furtherance of liberty, the other her example for the benefit of mankind. In the practical part of one system we discover a disposition to procure an association of interest at the sacrifice of antient habits and prepossessions, the surrender of abstract rights, and the annihilation of all competition in authority:-in the other, we discern the same principle, only under a different form, that is, a subjection of all privilege to the license and control of one supreme, all-ruling, influence.-FRANCE says, "It is true I conquer; but it is only to dispense the blessings of Freedom:"-ENGLAND exclaims, "Let all enjoy the sweets of Liberty, subject only to my exclusive authority!"The former, to cover her own views, excites the Nations to resistance, and, declaring her own immediate safety to be blended with their acquiescence in her principles, she leaves no choice to her neighbours, who must comply or incur her displeasure; who must sacrifice their own ease or indolence to gratify the restless disposition of this self-assuming director of rights and privileges, this Arbitress of States and Empires:-while the latter, though with less apparent presumption, asserts a right, obtained indeed like that of France by the force of power rather than of justice, and claims to be the Mistress of the Seas, that common privilege of every race and clime, given as one common benefit, the general property of all:-yet this property she affects the license to limit and restrain, demands the most degrading deference from all that use it, and even dares to draw a line and circumscribe us within the circle of our shores, Is it not monstrous that the world of waters should thus be claimed on the one hand, the world of Nations coerced and outraged on the other?What has the jealous enmity of France to do with the policy of Denmark, Holland, Spain, or Portugal ?-or what the pride of England with the common rights of nature and the gifts of Heaven?-AMERICA shall stoop no longer to such degrading terms; she, that taught France herself the road to freedom, shall once more set up her sun among the nations, to teach them what they owe to justice and themselves.-AMERICA, that led the way to liberty, that instigated Millions to raise the cry of emancipation,-AMERICA shall shew the world, that, to defeat oppression, the will is only wanting, the means are ever ready. ENGLAND.-There is one privilege, among the rest, which will not be contended for against America, that "the weak will ever be clamorous:"-real power seldom boasts; it is the braggart that bellows of his strength. If America knew her best interests she would not seek to meddle in the troubles of Europe; she may perplex by her interference, and render animosity more lasting, but she is not fitted for a mediator. Like an untoward overgrown child, she is great without being strong, and forward without being formidable.-A little success has contributed to swell her pride without advancing her pretentions; and, without one requisite for dictatorial interference, she would mingle in the bustle, and prescribe the rights of Nations.-Is it not sufficient that the forbearance of England permits her to fatten on the benefits and privileges exclusively her own, sought and maintained at her own charge and peril ?-Can she not be grateful that what has hitherto been denied even to the British subject has been permitted to the American; that to the British Trader, the rich mart of India has been shut, or scantily disclosed, while the meanest adventurer from America found an encouraging reception, and triumphed over the shackled fortunes of the English merchants?-Could she not be content with this, and leave the controversy of exclusive rights, extended power, and sovereign dominion, to those more suited to contest them? to FRANCE. The reproach assigned to France for her policy, however specious, is nevertheless unwarranted from the general tenure of politi cal practice.-This reproach arises from the antiquated principle of the Balance of Power, a term in itself merely visionary; and one, in fact, which has formed the basis of all the wars in Europe, and led the way every species of encroachment, injustice, and oppression; it has beeu the foundation of the most jealous animosity, than which no worse evil, or more malignant principle, could exist, or one more calculated to engender discord, or feed the flame of war among the nations.-What is this Balance of Power?-Is it a fundamental principle, not to be shaken or destroyed, a solid barrier, a certain good, the haven of human hopes, to which, however disregarded for a time, all human policy must come at last? Or is it rather a theoretic illusion, set up to please or amuse the fancy, without possessing the reality of one practical blessing; in fact a mere bauble suspended for a shew, and tending only to keep alive a spirit of acrimonious jealousy and contention ?-— Look to the History of ages, revert to that of Europe, and point out if ye can, the essential benefits of this boasted system; shew us the extent of its continuance, how long it bound the Powers of the World in peace, or how soon it kindled up the Spirit of dissension ?-A constant excuse for war, it was the convenient theme of the ambitious and the powerful; till, wanting the required energy or capacity to take the full advantage which it offered, and do away with such impediment, Ambition, like the hasty spark," blazed for a moment, then sunk again to insignificance. Thus, is it maintained, that this much-prized principle has more of danger in it than advantage; and those, its advocates, like the infatuated theorist, contend for that they know not how to value or define. There neither is, nor was, nor yet can be, a regulated or invio lable equipoize of power among the several Empires of the world: nothing but a will divine could so ordain it, beyond the power of man to alter or disturb :-there is no such will, nor yet such interference, and man is left to frame the best device for general comfort; that comfort springs from peace, a wide and universal system of tranquillity and mutual understanding; and shall such have place amidst contending interests and jarring predilections ?-All principles have their similitudes to facilitate demonstration, and thus let us refer to inferior examples, and ask what system can endure that has an equipoize of power, restrained by no superior hand, to ho'd the rein and regulate authority; or that will not, like the house in the parable, soon become divided, and ensure its own destruction?-Would there be security, let one sole undivided power govern all ; the rest is fallacy, conceit, and contradiction. -- RUSSIA, PRUSSIA, AUSTRIA, DENMARK, ENGLAND, rise together! RUSSIA. I hail the ebullition, that, on the developement of such a principle, can feel an indignant impulse, and rise with one accord to crush it. Here then is openly avowed that system upon which France has hitherto acted, and which she is resolved to follow!-Universal Dominion is her sole aim, and all the Powers are to be her victims!-Now is fully proved that fatal error, which suffered her to mask her views under the pretext of general utility, and even to uphold and second her endeavours.-Now is seen the folly of that forbearance which has permitted her means and measures to revive, after the deadly check received from me, and which afforded that facility, which never may recur, to overturn her influence for ever. PRUSSIA.It is not merely my fate that either claims the general sympathy or forms the object of French ambition, all are involved in one promiscuous premeditated ruin.-Now is that daring spirit, that destructive principle, the fruit of those revolutionary seeds, which Prussia so ardently endeavoured to stifle in their birth,-now does it stand forth completely unveiled, and what was then deemed ungenerous advantage will be acknowledged a real measure of precaution.-Had but the effort been universal, and every Power lent its aid, France now would not have been enabled to cherish or avow the principle of Univer◄ sal Sovereignty. AUSTRIA. However alarming the declaration of France may appear, as derogatory to the pre-existing order of things, and however detrimental to the general interests of the reigning Powers, it is still nothing more than the consequence of the distracted jealousies of those Powers, now so aptly retorted on them by France. Can any thing be a greater proof of the justice of that rebuke which France has given, in denying the beneficial effects of that favourite system among us, called "the Balance of Power," than the fact of our present weakness, and the overwhelming force of her own influence and authority ?-What has contributed to that influence, but our individual jealousies ?-Was it not a despicable jealousy that suffered AUSTRIA to be overborne, white PRUSSIA let her legions look on and take no share in her defence?Did she not do this twice, as if to perpetuate her degeneracy and folly?-RUSSIA, also, could join a solemn league with this same dreaded power, and even bring her forces to the field to help him to this sovereign rule which now so much alarms her; and do not these plain inconsistencies tend to evince what France avers, that there is |