he was constrained to treat with some deference the prejudices of his age. Monarchy, however, he would under no modification establish. His constitution is purely republican. For, above all things, the object of the Utopia seems to be the utter exploding of

"The enormous faith of many made for one;"

and the advocating of the doctrine that the happiness of the people is the sole end and purpose of government. There is, indeed, a magistrate whom he denominates a prince; but few sovereigns would be content to rule on such conditions. "The prince is for life, unless he is removed upon suspicion of some design to enslave the people." We have, therefore, not a life Archon, or even a decennial Archon, but a chief magistrate, particularly removable at pleasure: for the people's representatives could easily suspect of evil designs whomsoever they desire to remove.

There is some intricacy in the theory of representation. In the first place, the people choose certain magistrates, called Philarchs, one for every thirty families; but, over every ten of these magistrates, together with the families under their jurisdiction, is placed another magistrate, called an Archphilarch. He does not however explain by whom the Archphilarchs are elected, though they form a sort of perpetual parliament, or national council, who consult with the archon on the state of public affairs. The chief magistrate is elected by the Philarchs out of four persons nominated by

the four principal divisions of the capital; and, in order that neither fear nor the expectation of favour might influence the electors, they vote by ballot. Sir Thomas, we see, had advanced, at least in some things, beyond his own age, and even beyond ours. At a time when royalty was strongest, he recommended its abolition; and, in lieu of that corrupt system of voting which oppressors maintain, because it perpetuates their power, he sought to substitute that mode of exercising the right of suffrage which may be regarded as the chief Palladium of freedom.

Moreover, not content with the ballot, and a chief magistrate removable at pleasure, the Lord Chancellor of Henry the Eighth advocates annual parliaments and universal suffrage. His faith in the public virtue of men was small. He would put it out of their power to commit treachery against the commonwealth, by bringing them every year into the hands of their constituencies, who might either continue them in parliament and in office, or decline their services, as their conduct appeared to deserve. Indeed, though the senators might be re-elected, he appears tacitly to have made a law prohibiting men from accepting the office of magistrate a second time, at least without some interval between. "The archphilarchs are now chosen every year, but yet they are for the most part still continued. All their other magistrates are only annual."

His distrust of rulers, even when selected with greatest care, and checked by most restraints, bursts

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strikingly forth in the brief section on magistrates. He rightly judges that nothing is so congenial, in general, to men so employed, as to seek by every practicable art to overreach their employers, and from servants to become masters ;-which, as he well knew, is the origin of monarchy; and, therefore, above all things, is anxious so to fence round public liberty with difficult barriers, that even the ablest tyrants shall scarcely be able to transgress them. "The Archphilarchs meet every third day,"

he says, " and oftener if need be, and consult with the prince, either concerning the affairs of the state in general, or such private differences as may arise sometimes among the people: though that falls out but seldom. There are always two philarchs called into the council-chamber, and these are changed every day. It is a fundamental rule of their government, that no conclusion can be made in anything that relates to the public till it has been first debated three several days in their council. It is death for any to meet and consult concerning the state, unless it be either in their ordinary council, or in the assembly of the whole body of the people;" that is, in parliament, or in public meetings.

Sir Thomas More was wise enough to perceive that, in reality, there can be no danger to the state from the democracy. Their interest must always be to strengthen and preserve all such institutions as promote the public weal. Not so with the rulers and senators. "These things," he observes, "have been so provided among them, that the prince

and the archphilarchs may not conspire together to change the government, and enslave the people; and, therefore, when anything of great importance is set on foot, it is sent to the philarchs, who, after they have communicated it to the families that belong to their division, and have considered it among themselves, make report to the senate; and, upon great occasions, the matter is referred to the council of the whole island. One rule observed in their council is, never to debate a thing on the same day on which it is first proposed; for that is always referred to the next meeting, that so men may not rashly, and in the heat of discourse, engage themselves too soon, which may bias them so much, that instead of considering the good of the public, they will rather study to maintain their own notions; and, by a perverse and preposterous sort of shame, hazard their country, rather than endanger their own reputation, or venture being suspected to have wanted foresight in the expedients that they proposed at first. And, therefore, to prevent this, they take care that they may rather be deliberate, than sudden in their motions."

Sir Thomas is exceedingly brief, however, in his development of the actual form of their government; and, having announced the fact that the constitution was republican, prefers the employment of hint and innuendo, to the more open advocacy of his principles. He appears to lay no particular stress on the organic structure of the commonwealth. He states it, indeed, candidly and fairly; but, as if other circumstances should be

considered of more moment, hastens on to the development of manners, and the practical working of the machine. Not that such was his conviction; for as a statesman it must have been intimately known to him, that of political entities theory is the soul; but because prejudice is less alarmed by the following out of consequences, than by the bold enunciation of principles, which startle while naked, but, disguised in the material husk of circumstances, steal imperceptibly upon the mind, and become familiar to it before their true nature has perhaps been discovered.

Besides, to the vulgar it is more agreeable to behold difficulties overcome, than to examine laboriously all the complicated machinery by which the effect is produced. They lack the patience to learn in detail the name and office of each wheel, and pulley, and spring, hidden in the understory of politics, by which the beautiful results they contemplate on the surface of society are originated, and pronounce insipid every attempt to introduce them to their knowledge. Consequently, politicians like Sir Thomas More and Lord Bacon blink the question of causes, at least in a great measure, and confine themselves to what is visible.

Pursuing this course of policy, More applies himself diligently to what may be termed political discipline. He shows by what arts and contrivances men should be trained to obedience and the practice of industry, regulates the processes of agriculture and trade, and even condescends, in imitation of the legislators of antiquity, to regulate the