terms of this new armistice, or notify the commencement of hostilities the following day.

Whatever might have been the intentions of the emperor on leaving Vienna, of tempting once more the fortune of war, a nearer review of the state of his forces, and the peremptory demand of general Moreau, led him to favor more pacific sentiments. The interview between the archduke John and general Lahorie ended in an arrangement for another armistice, of which the principal conditions were the delivery of the three fortresses of Ulm, Ingoldstadt, and Philipsburg, into the hands of the French; and the sending M. Lehrbach as plenipotentiary to Luneville from his imperial majesty. The lines of demarcation for both armies continued to be the same as were fixed by the last armistice. The present armistice, which included also the armies in Italy, was to terminate in forty-five days, if no definitive arrangements were taken in the mean time. This treaty was signed at Hohenlinden, the 20th of September, 1800.

The great probability of an approaching peace, not more from the splendid victories which had been obtained by the French in the course of this campaign than from the total inability of the imperial court to carry on the war, afforded the French government the means of reviewing and correcting still further the internal evils of the state. One of the greatest abuses of the revolution during its various phases, and particularly in the reign of terror, had been the facility with which one part of the inhabitants of the French republic had consigned the other to misery and ruin, by inscribing their names on registers which were called lists of

emigration. The general list of emigrants, such as it was print ed, presented a nomenclature of 155,000 individuals, or collections of individuals, such as whole fami lies, without distinction of names; which general list was formed from partial lists framed by local authorities, such as departmental and municipal administrations; and to which was added a supplement which had not been printed, making together the complete list of those who were accused of emigration.

The legislative assembly, the national convention, and the committees of legislation of the convention, had struck off definitively a considerable number of those who were inscribed: the directory had annulled 13,000 names; and since the revolution of the 18th of Brumaire 1200 more had been excepted. Such was the state of the list when the minister of police made a report to the consuls, in which he represented the various abuses of power which had contributed to the formation of this general list, and pointed out the means by which they might be remedied. In consequence of this report, the government, by a decree, reduced this formidable prescription to a very moderate size, by confirming all that had been done by antecedent authorities, and by striking out of the list all individuals who were inscribed under the qualifications of labourers, journeymen, workmen, artists, and all others exercising mechanical professions, servants, and others receiving wages, and the wives and children of all persons thus qualified. Of these descriptions the number was very considerable, amounting according to different statements, to upwards of forty thousand. The

next class was that of persons who had been inscribed collectively, and without individual denomination; such as those who had been indicated in general, as heirs or children of some person whose name had been inserted, women emigrants who had abandoned their husbands, minors, knights of Malta, such persons as had left France before the 14th of July 1789, the names of such as had been executed by judgment of the revolutionary tribunal, ecclesiastics who had been banished, and all such persons as had been continued on the list after precedent revisions of commissions, were included in this act of elimination, and definitively struck off.

New lists were ordered to be formed, in which were inscribed as real emigrants, and definitively expelled from the territory of the French republic, those who had borne arms against France; such as since the departure of the French princes had continued to make part of their civil or military establishments; such as had accepted from these princes, or the persons at war with France, places of ministers, embassadors, negotiators, or agents; such as had been preserved on the list by the present government, on the report of the commission established for the examination of claims; and, finally, such as had made no reclamations previous to the establishment of the said commission, in consequence of the proclamations and invitation which had been made by the go

the interior; and as the flood-gates of mercy were thrown so wide open, numbers availed themselves of the general disposition which had been evinced in their favour who had no right by the decree to participate in the indulgence. This decree was however accompanied by restrictive articles, such as the injunction on the emigrants to take the oath of fidelity to the government, to remain during the war, and a year after the peace, under the inspection of the constituted authorities of the places where they should reside; but as they brought with them for the most part the same dispositions of hostility against the republic which they had been habituated to feel while absent, these restrictions were in general but very little attended to; and though some received the proffered boon with thankfulness, the greater part, as was naturally to be expected, found new causes for discontent on seeing their confiscated estates in possession of others; since the law, though it admitted their return, confirmed the confiscation, except of such domains as had not been sold, and which were returned to the former owners.

The negotiation between the diplomatic agents of the United States and the French government, which had lasted several months, was now brought to a termination. By this treaty, which was negoti ated as if a regular war had taken place, it was agreed among the other articles, that henceforth a firm, inviolable, and universal peace should take place between the two countries; the restitution of captured vessels should be made on both sides, the debts contracted by the individuals of both nations should be paid, as if no misunder standing bad taken place; the com

merce between the two nations should be free, and their vessels respectively treated like those of the most favoured nations; and the citizens of each should enjoy all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the respective countries. This reconciliation was celebrated by unusual demonstrations of amity in a magnificent fête given to the American ministers at the country seat of Joseph Bonaparte, one of the negotiators, which was attended by the first consul, and other distinguished members of the French government.

The French ministry, which since the consulship of Bonaparte had been less subject to vacillation than under former administrations, underwent at this period a partial change, by the removal of Carnot from the superintendance of the war-office, and of Lucien Bonaparte, the brother of the first consul, from that of the interior. By the skill, and particularly the probity with which Carnot had conducted this vast machine, he had not only redeemed his reputation, sullied by his association with the members of the committee of public safety under the reign of terror, but had acquired so much the confidence of the nation, and of the army, that his removal was considered as a public calamity; nor was this sentiment alleviated from the nomination of his successor Berthier, who had no such claims to general respect.But if public opinion on this occasion did not justify this act of consular power, it sanctioned loudly that which was manifested in the removal of Lucien Bonaparte, who, though he had discovered at periods of difficulty and danger, much courage, ability, and strength of character, had nevertheless during his ministry, and particularly near the

close, indulged dispositions of dissipation and rapacity almost beyond any of his predecessors.His mal-administration became at length so notorious, that the consul caused his dismission to be signified to him; but, desirous of saving him from open disgrace, sent him on an embassy to the Spanish court.

While the French were seeking peace by conquests in Germany, a negotiation for the same end was opened at London. In the beginning of August 1800, M. Thugut had addressed a note to M. Talleyrand, in which he sent, by order of the emperor, an invitation to the first consul to name respective plenipotentiaries to treat on this subject; declaring at the same time, that his Britannic majesty was disposed to concur in this negotiation, as had been announced in a note of lord Minto's, the English minister at Vienna; which note was included in the baron Thugut's letter. M. Thugut proposed choosing for the place of negotiation, Schalestadt, Luneville, or some other central town of France, to facilitate the communications with England. Lord Minto, in his note, declared that his Britannic majesty was ready to send his plenipotentiaries to treat of peace in concert with the emperor, as soon as the French government should have signified its intention of entering into negotia tion with the cabinet of St. James's. The French government dispatched immediately to M. Otto, commissary for the exchange of prisoners in England, a copy of the propositions made by the cabinet of Vienna, with instructions to enter into a negotiation with the English ministry.

M. Otto, in conformity to his instructions, addressed to lord Gren

ville a note, in which he declared himself authorised to demand from the ministers of his Britannic majesty further explanations with respect to the proposition communicated to the court of Vienna; observing at the same time, that it appeared impossible that at the moment when England and Austria took a common part in the negotiations, France should have a suspension of arms with Austria, while she continued hostilities with England. He declared himself authorised at the same time to propose and conclude a general armistice between the armies and fleets of the two states, by adopting measures with respect to the places besieged and blocked, analogous to those which had taken place in Germany relative to Ulm, Philipsburg, and Ingoldstadt. Lord Grenville named captain George to treat with M. Otto. These commissaries met in conference, (28th August,) when the former confirmed the assurance that his Britannic majesty was disposed to enter into negotiations for peace, and to send a plenipotentiary to Luneville; but that as to the armistice, he had orders to declare that such a measure, applied to naval operations, had never taken place between Great-Britain and France during negotiations for peace, or even till the preliminaries were signed; that such a measure could not be looked upon as necessary; and that the disputes which must inevitably take place in the execution would rather impede than facilitate the success of the negotiations: in short, that no determination could be taken with respect to this object before the French government had previously explained how the principles adopted in the German armistice relative

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to the blockade of towns could be applied to ports and arsenals of France, so as to be executed in the manner required.

The French agent, in reply to these objections, observed, that he had every reason to believe that the continuation of the armistice in Germany depended on the conclusion of the armistice with England; since the French government regarded the advantages of the maritime truce as an equivalent for the evident disadvantages of that of Germany. He dispatched, however, a courier to Paris, to inform his government; during which interval Mr. Grenville was named minister plenipotentiary to Luneville. The answer of the French government confirmed that which M. Otto had already given; observing also that the intervention of England rendered the question of peace so complicated, that it was impossible to prolong the armistice on the continent, unless his Britannic majesty rendered it common to the three powers; with the menace, that if this armistice was not concluded, hostilities would re-commence in Germany.

The result of this negotiation was unfavourable to peace. The demands of the French government respecting a maritime armistice were found inadmissible, and the English ministers declared officially to M. Otto, that all further discussion on that point was become superfiuous. The rupture of this negotiation was followed by that of the continental armistice, which had given time only to the belligerent powers to recruit their shattered forces in order to renew the contest. During the armistice the French government had made it a condition, that, till the definitive peace, the republican troops should

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take the Inn for the line of demar kation, and extend their cantonments as far as Lintz. But the absolute refusal of the British cabinet to treat on the conditions prescribed by Bonaparte-namely, the maritime armistice made a rupture unavoidable, unless a definitive treaty was framed on the basis of the preliminaries assented to by count St. Julien at Paris. To this decision the cabinet of the Tuileries adhered, after the declaration made by count Cobentzel that he could neither conclude nor negotiate a definitive peace, but in concert with the British ministry, who he hoped might be prevailed on to send a plenipotentiary to Luneville. The French government had not flattered itself that the British court would yield to its demand respecting a naval armistice; but if a temporary cessation of hostilities was favourable to the emperor, it was no less so to the French armies, whose victories, though splen did, had not been purchased with out considerable loss, though less from the military tactics and conservatory dispositions of Moreau than it would have been under any other French general. The French army was now about to attempt a great and no less perilous expedition; and it was necessary, in order to make an effective winter campaign, of which the hereditary dominions were the prize, to take such measures as should ensure success.

The deficiencies in Moreau's army were entirely made up by the successive arrivals of detach ments of conscripts: the corps under St. Suzanne, on the Lower Rhine, which had hitherto consisted of 7 or 8000 men, was augmented to 30,000, and marched in order to form the left wing of the grand army, now desached

from the division under Augereau; another army, under the name of that of the Grisons, had been formed, consisting of from 25 to 30,000 men, and which was extended from the chain of communication between the army of the Rhine and that of Italy; while Augereau had completed his division on the Maine, by the arrival of fresh troops from Holland, and conscripts from the Belgic departments.

The winter campaign opened on the 24th November, by an attack on Augereau's division, who, sallying, drove back the assailants, and, passing the Maine, took possession by capitulation of Aschaffenburg. Finding every probability of peace had vanished, Moreau hastened back to Munich, where were assembled the generals Dessoles, Eblé, Richepanse, and Laborie; and where, after issuing a proclamation to his army, he prepared again to enter the field. While Moreau was maturing his plan of operations, the Austrian army had prevented him by a daring attack on his left wing by Klenau, which seemed to have put the French in their turn on the defensive. Prompted by this success, with a confidence equal to their imprudence, the imperial army was led to abandon their strong positions on the Inn, where they might have made a long, if not an effectual resistance, and march into the plain. This march was the completion of Moreau's plan; which was to get them dislodged from the position they had taken, and which could not have been effected but with a great effusion of blood. The Austrians following up their success, marched upon the army of the French, stationed near the village of Hohenlinden. Moreau, who waited for them in the positions he

had