shall begin from the end of the month of April. His majesty has sent his cabinet minister Schullenburg to announce to the electoral college of privy counsellors and commandants of troops the present declaration. On this account, all connexion between the electoral college and his majesty the king of England shall cease, and the authorities are in consequence responsible to his majesty the king of Prussia for the government and the treas sury. Under the hope of a voluntary submission, his majesty is induced and ready to promise solemnly, as well to the nobility as to the burghers, and to all the inhabitants of the electorate, the entire enjoyment of their tranquillity, and the security of their property. But if, on the contrary, the govern ment and the general officers should be of advice to prevent the execu• tion of the measures adopted, and to oppose the entrance of the Prussian troops, his majesty will be obliged to withdraw these promises, and to treat the electoral states as enemies. The civil and military magistrates are therefore respon sible for the fatal effects which might result. It is on this account that his majesty advises them to submit to this summons, and to prevent the rigorous measures which would inevitably be taken in case of refusal. By order of his majesty, (Signed) HAUGWITZ.

Berlin, 30th March, 1801.

Note from the Hanoverian Ministry to the Royal Prussian Directorial Counsellor Von Dohm, respecting the Withdrawing of the Prussian Troops from the Electorate of Hanover. Hanover, June 14. His majesty the king of Prussia having, in the beginning of April

of the present year, unexpectedly ordered that corps of his troops hitherto acting with the army of observation, formed for the general defence, to take possession of the districts in Germany belonging to his Britannic majesty, as elector of Brunswick and Luneburg, the causes and motives which induced his majesty the king of Prussia to resort to this extraordi nary and unexpected measure were stated to the German ministry of his Britanic majesty, in a written declaration of the 30th of March of the present year, on the part of his Prussian majesty, by his minister of state, of war, and of the cabinet, count Schullenburg, sent to Hanover for that purpose. These causes and motives were founded on the differences that had arisen between his Britannic majesty and the crowns of Denmark and Sweden, on account of the Petersburg convention of the 16th of December 1800; on the proceedings of England against Denmark and Sweden; on the engagements of his Prussian majesty for his allies, agreeably to his acession to the Petersburg convention; and particularly on the circumstance that England would not resort to means for an amicable settlement of these differences.-Hence his Prussian majesty deduced his résolution "not only to shut up the mouths of the Elbe, Weser, and Ems, but also to take possession of the states of his majesty the king of the united islands of Great Britain and Ireland, situated in Germany, and belonging to him as elector of Brunswick and Luneburg." His Prussian majesty added, in his letter addressed to his Britannic majesty's German ministers at Hanover, "that the said declaration related to the differences that had arisen between

England

England and the northern powers, and was to be considered merely as a necessary consequence of the disagreeable circumstances that had taken place." By the circumstances and causes, therefore, assigned as the reason on the part of Prussia, the agreement was relative, which his Britannic majesty's German ministry, together with the general commanding his German troops, were obliged to enter into on the 3d of April of the present year, and whereby, under the existing circumstances, the entrance of the Prussian troops and their maintenance by the king's German possessions were agreed to. It is now well known, that the circumstances and causes, formerly existing, have been entirely changed and removed in the course of the month of April, and still more in the course of the month of May; so that circumstances, at present, are rather the reverse. Hostilities have ceased between England and the northern powers; and so far from rejecting means for an amicable settlement, immediate friendly missions have even taken place on both sides, and the crowns of Denmark and Sweden, imitating the wise sentiments of his majesty the present emperor of Russia, are actually engaged in amicably settling the differences with the British government. The happy issue of these peaceable negotiations not being doubted by any of the parties, the British government began rendering commerce free in the Baltic; Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, have restored the commercial intercourse by public declarations; and the embargo formerly laid on English ships in Russia is again taken off. His majesty the king of Prussia having, during the course of these successive changes, permitted all

commercial and other intercourse with his Britannic majesty's subjects, which has likewise remained undisturbed by England with respect to the Prussian states, it is evident, that his Prussian majesty has no longer any cause for allowing measures to be taken, on his part, against the crown of England. But his majesty the king of Prussia has also declared already, that the measures which had been formerly taken could now no longer be deemed applicable and expedient, so that, on the part of Prussia, the shutting up of the rivers is entirely annulled, and the navigation of the Elbe and Weser has been again declared free. His majesty the king of Prussia, from the same consideration, has likewise demanded from the crown of Denmark, and effected, the evacuation of Hamburg and Lubeck, and withdrawn the troops that had been stationed in the duchy of Oldenburg for the purpose of occupying the left banks of the Weser. It is impossible, therefore, that the occupation of his Britannic majesty's dominions, which had been connected with the shutting up of the rivers, and grounded on the same causes, can alone remain and continue. On the contrary, it appears evidently, from the whole course of the proceedings, that the causes no longer any where exist which furnished the ground for the letter addressed to the king's ministry here by the king of Prussia on the 30th of March, the declaration made by his majesty in consequence thereof, and the agreement afterwards entered into. It is impossible to consider this, agreeably to his majesty's wisdom and justice, but as something which cannot be mistaken by him, and which, in the events already stated, has already been admitted and acknowledged

knowledged by his majesty. The sentiments which his majesty the king of Prussia entertains for his Britannic majesty, and the friendly relations subsisting between him and the crown of England, will, therefore, leave no doubts on this subject, without being under the necessity of recurring to the nature of the constitution of the German empire, and the union of its states with each other, with respect to this business, which relates entirely to a foreign kingdom, and which has always been, and will ever remain, foreign to the dominions which his majesty possesses as elector, and as a state of the German empire. All this is grounded on the firm confidence which his Britannic majesty here wishes to manifest, that his majesty the king of Prussia will not hesitate to with draw his troops from his majesty's German dominions; and that main tenance will no longer be demanded for those troops, which has been so burthensome to the country.The king's minister has, for this purpose, addressed this note to the Prussian directorial counsellor, Von Dohm, entreating him, at the same time, to forward it to his court, and to effect a speedy resolution in consequence.

preliminary articles of peace be tween his Britannic majesty and the French republic, signed on the 1st instant, have been exchanged on the 10th; and those articles, as published by government, having thus come to his knowledge, thinks he ought not to delay any longer, in a conjuncture so important to his interests and those of his house, to express, without reserve, his sentiments and his wishes to his majesty.

The unfortunate circumstances which obliged the prince of Orange and his family to repair to England in the year 1795, are too well known to make it necessary to renew the statement of them in this place.

After having been received by his majesty with the most affectionate kindness, the prince of Orange experienced no less convincing proofs of his majesty's goodness towards him during his stay in this country, where he has constantly been treated with the most generous hospitality. On every occasion he received unequivocal assurances and marks of the unvaried interest which his majesty and his government continued to take, not only in what related to himself and to his family, but also to the numerous and faithful adherents of the house of Orange, and the ancient constituion of the republic of the United Provinces. These marks of interest had so often been repeated, that the prince of Orange has not even conceived it to be neces sary for him to make any formal demand, founded upon the solemn engagements by which Great Britain guarantied, in 1788, the stadtholderate, and the other dignities hereditary in his house.

The prince of Orange has seen with great concern the course of events lead gradually to a state of things very different from that unf

der

der which those engagements had been formed, and by which the probability of their being com. pletely fulfilled was from day to day diminishing. Nevertheless, as long as the war continued he could never prevail upon himself to give up that hope entirely; but he awaited in silence the final issue of events. Now that the preliminaries of peace are concluded on the conditions known to the public, without the prince of Orange having received any information that any thing has been stipulated with respect to himself, he thinks himself under the obligation of breaking the silence he had hitherto thought fit to observe, and considers it as his indispensable duty to recommend in the strongest and most pressing manner to the king's solicitude and powerful protection, at the ap proaching conferences for the formation of the definitive treaty, his own interest, those of his house, and of a considerable number of his countrymen, who are become the unfortunate victims of their unshaken zeal for his person and his cause, of their tried fidelity to the ancient constitution of their native country, and of their attachment to that system which so long and so closely united the republic of the United Provinces to Great-Britain.

The prince of Orange thinks it would be injuring the generous feelings of his majesty and his government to dwell upon the motives which induce him to make this request. He has no doubt of his majesty's finding them in his own royal breast; and he flatters himself that the dispositions he hopes to find on this subject will add still more to the manifest obligations he owes to the king, and of which he

1801.

First Report of the Committee of Se

crecy, to whom the several Papers, which were presented (sealed up) to the House, by Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon the 1st and 24 Days of April, by His Majesty's Command, were referred; and who were directed to examine the Matters thereof, and report the same, as they shall appear to them, to the House.

Your committee have proceeded with the utmost diligence to the consideration of the matters referred to them; but, from the extent and variety of the information respecting different parts of the united kingdom, which has been laid before them, they are under the necessity of requesting the indulgence of the house for a short time, before they can submit the result of their inveştigation on all the points to which it has extended.

Your committee, however, think it incumbent upon them to state, without delay, that they have received the fullest proofs that the dangerous and treasonable conspiracy for the subversion of the constitution and government, which in the year 1798, in concert with a foreign enemy, produced the horrid and sanguinary rebellion in Ire (M)

land,

land, and the progress and extent of which, in Great-Britain, is detailed in the Report of the Committee of Secrecy in the year 1799, has never been abandoned. The hopes and activity of the disaffected were checked, and their intentions frustrated, by the vigilance of go vernment, and by the effect of the laws which were adopted; but their principles and designs remained unchanged, and they have for some time, and more especially of late, been endeavouring to take advantage of the distress occasioned by the high price of provisions for carrying those wicked designs into effect. It has particularly appeared to your committee, that the instigators of these proceedings have, on repeated occasions, secretly ex, pressed their wish for the aggravation of those evils, which they every where endeavour to use as a pretext and engine for exciting popular discontent. They appear to have derived their principal encouragement from the pressure arising from the scarcity, from the hopes of assistance from a foreign enemy upon the invasion of Great-Britain or Ireland, and from the expira. tion of the laws before referred to; which, from the concurrent testimony from different parts of the kingdom, they acknowledge and declare to have been the principal obstacle to their measures.

Within a few weeks past, and to the latest period to which the information received by your committee can apply, their activity has been great, and increasing in the metropolis and in other parts of the kingdom: every effort is employed that can tend to disturb the publie tranquillity; and recent intelligence has been received from different quarters, which justifies your com

mittee in believing, that at this moment the immediate object of the disaffected is to endeavour, by a sudden explosion, to avail themselves of the interval which may still take place before those laws can be renewed. The dangerous system of a secret confederacy, under the obligation of an unlawful oath, which prevailed in Ireland, and afterwards extended itself to Great-Britain, has been revived, with additional precautions, for the purpose of eluding detection, and of ensuring concert, secrecy, and dispatch. And it appears to be in agitation, suddenly, by these means, to call numerous meetings, in different parts of the country, at the same day and hour, to an extent which, if not prevented, must materially endanger the public peace; and that, among the persons most forward for instigating these criminal proceedings, are some of those who had been detained under the suspension of the habeas-corpus act, and who have been recently released from confinement.

These considerations your committee have felt themselves bound to submit, in the first instance, to the wisdom of the house, believing that any delay in so doing would be attended with material danger to the country; and for the same reason they feel it a duty incumbent on them, to take the first moment of stating to the house their strong and unanimous opinion, grounded on the information which they have received, that no time ought to be lost in renewing those measures of precaution which the wisdom of the legislature has before adopted; particularly the act for the suspension of the provisions of the habeas-corpus act, and the act to prove t seditious meetings;

,which,