reignty of the people, and public liberty, were so deeply interested, was hurried through without almost any examination, notwithstanding the general opinion that its clauses were obscure, most difficult of execution, and many absolutely impossible to be executed; that upon the whole, such was the law, that, out of a million of citizens, 995,000 must be ineligible. As the session was, however, drawing near its close, and this question would have demanded a much more considerable time than the pressure of business and the days allotted would permit of, the law, with all its imperfections, was voted by the tribunate; and the legislative body, without understanding it better than their colleagues, who had attempted the discussion, voted also its adoption.

At this period we shall close our narrative of French affairs for the present year-the remaining transactions of the French government being only preparatory to some re-, markable changes, which will properly come under consideration in the succeeding volume. There the reader may expect a faithful and authentic detail. Firm to those principles which have ever regulated the conduct of this work, we shall not permit any infringement upon liberty in any part of the globe to pass uncensured. It is the opinion of posterity, which alone can re

strain the conduct of those who are out of the reach of human laws-and we might add, of earthly power. That opinion we shall not mislead; and the public may expect an accurate analysis, and an impartial criticism, on those complex codes of arbitrary power which have been issued under the name of republican constitutions.

Under the head of Domestic

History our readers will find a detail of the events of the war between France and England during the course of the last year, and of most of the political transactions in Europe; for in most of them the British nation was directly or indirectly concerned. The return of peace may possibly render our future labours somewhat less copious; yet the politics of Europe will not cease for some years to be interesting. It has been said, "that at the termination of the war the French revolution would only commence." To this proposition we do not assent; but we much fear that it is far from being at an end. The present establishment bears not the characteristic marks of permanence, but (in speaking of French affairs, to use the new republican idiom) it has more the appearance of a provisionary arrangement. At the utmost, it hangs suspended on the life of one man; and there are causes which may even operate a change independent of such an event. There is hardly any thing in human affairs more inconstant than the will and affections of military bodies. When the prætorian guards had once disposed of the sovereignty of Rome, the changes were frequent, often destitute of motive, till the disgrace of the empire was confirmed by the public sale of the highest dignity

of the state.

if an expenditure which baffled all calculation, and a prodigality of human life such as history seldom has to record, if all this ended only in forging military fetters for the nation, whom they professed to liberate from anarchy and misery,

the position is proved in this instance, as well as by all former precedent, that wAR is never productive of good to either party and that the event of it seldom cor responds with the intention for which it was commenced.

PRINCIPAL

JANUARY.

it is our will and pleasure, that the

sued for a general fast, to be kept in England and Ireland on Feb. 13, and in Scotland on Feb. 12.

3. This day the members of his majesty's council took the oaths as privy councillors for the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty received the great seal from the lord chancellor, and, causing it to be defaced, presented to him a new great seal for the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. His majesty was also pleased to appoint, by proclamation, that "The royal style and titles shall henceforth be accepted, taken, and used, in manner and form following: that is to say, the same shall be expressed in the Latin tongue by these words: Georgius Tertius, Dei Gratià, Britanniarum Rex, Fidei Defensor;" and in the English tongue by these words: -George the Third, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith.' And that the arms or ensigns armorial of the said united kingdom shall be quarterly, first and fourth, England; second, Scotland; third, Ireland. And it is our will and pleasure that there shall be borne therewith, on an escutcheon of pretence, the arms of our dominions in Germany, ensigned with the electoral bonnet. And

shall be the same quarterings as are herein-before declared to be the arms or ensigns armorial of the said united kingdom, with the escutcheon of pretence thereon, hereinbefore described; and that the union flag shall be azure, the crosses-saltire of St. Andrew and St. Patrick quarterly, per saltire counter-changed, argent and gules; the latter fimbriated of the second, surmounted by the cross of St. George of the third, fimbriated as the saltire."

14. This day a proclamation was issued for laying an embargo on all Russian, Danish, and Swedish vessels in the several ports of this kingdom; which has been effectually put in execution.

Admiralty-office, 16. A letter from admiral the earl of St. Vincent introduces the following, which is addressed to capt. sir Richard Strachan, bart.