Southern frontier. That this government is Russia there seems to be no doubt; and in a time like this, when both nations are sensitive and pursuing the dog-in-the-manger policy, smaller things may lead to trouble. In a recent letter to the New York Herald, Castelar eloquently describes the peaceful condition of Europe, and dwells on the unlikeliness of war. He says little, however, about the Eastern question, out of which war will come, if out of anything.

Two things have occurred likely to cause annoyance on our frontiers: one, the disturbances in Mexico, which is going through a revolution again; and the other the row with the Sioux apropos of the Black Hills. In the first case we are clearly right, and in the latter as evidently wrong. We are bound to protect our citizens and flag from annoyance by the Mexican marauders, and just as bound to prevent our people from invading the Black Hills. The Government, it is said, does not intend to interfere with emigration there this spring. Bands of adventurers have already gone there; the Sioux have taken to the war-path. General Crook's expedition has not succeeded in frightening or whipping them back into patience under their grievances, and more men and money are to be spent in trying to do it. This is turning the Indian Bureau over to the War Department with a vengeance.

THE Prince of Wales comes home in state, after an arduous campaign. Bronzed by an Indian sun, the hero of several tiger hunts, he will arrive just in time to congratulate his mother on the new title of Empress or Begum of India, which she will soon assume. To speak more correctly, he would do so, had she remained at home; but with the same spirit that has generally taken her to Balmoral whenever her presence was especially needed in London, she has gone to the Continent, notwithstanding that Parliament remains in session, and the Prince of Wales is on the point of coming home. The Prince has had a grand time of it certainly, and will find life tame by comparison when he gets back. He will be grandly welcomed.

THE objections of Messrs. Lawrence and Butler to the appointment of Mr. Dana have prevailed, and he has been rejected. Few right-minded men will condemn Mr. Dana in declining to present his case to the Senate Committee, when he learned that it had acted

upon his case on the ex parte statements of personal enemies, or feel anything but regret that the chief committee of the first of legislative bodies should have entertained such views of fairness, courtesy and duty. The London correspondent of the N. Y. Tribune calls attention to the fact that Mr. Lawrence, who is so sensitive on the subject of plagiarism, has called himself in the title page of the Wheatons of 1868, "formerly Minister to England," when the truth is that he was Secretary of Legation nearly fifty years ago, for the period of two years, and once or twice during that time chargé d'affaires. Light on the history of a man so sensitive about the national honor, is very desirable, especially in view of the circumstances of this case; and this fact must awaken no little regret in the minds of men so punctilious as are many of the Senators who voted against Mr. Dana. Three things seem to have influenced these persons; first, Mr. Dana's being a literary pirate; secondly, his want of good temper when unjustly accused; and thirdly, his letter, which was deemed insulting to the Senate. The English papers are naturally full of comments on the case-one of the chief of them (the Pall Mall Gazette) remarking that the rejection of Mr. Dana on the alleged ground proceeds from the spirit which would punish the commission of murder, as soon as it becomes evident that that crime would lead to incivility and procrastination. The President has made no other nomination, and we are told will make none, preferring to await the result of the examination of General Schenck. The chances are that that gentleman will return to his mission for the balance of General Grant's term of office, a consummation which no doubt he devoutly wishes. Mr. Dana's experience will make it difficult to find any gentleman ready to submit himself to a Court of Honor in which Mr. Butler of Massachusetts is the Judge Advocate, and Mr. Cameron of Pennsylvania the Presiding Judge.

RUMOR that lying jade-ventures to say that the President has begun to lose confidence in General Babcock. He begins, like the Frenchman in a certain story, "to suspect." The present condition of the ex-private secretary cannot certainly, with truth, be said to inspire confidence even in hearts like the President's. The Presidential bosom is a curious anomaly in that respect-now so cold as to chill that "plant of slow growth," as the Earl of Chatham called confidence, and then again a perfect forcing-house. Confidence in

men like Sumner, Trumbull, Schurz, Evarts, Motley, Curtis, he could not feel; but in the case of Murphy, Casey, Joyce, MacDonald, Belknap and Babcock, it blossomed like the rose. And even now it will take ocular demonstration to prove to the public mind that the love of Grant for Babcock has changed or passed away. The witnesses who have testified with regard to the General's connection with the safe burglary, are of doubtful character, and the case is not in such condition as to justify journalistic criticism; but it may be said that more suspicion attaches to the political career of the President's secretary than is agreeable to patriotic Americans to contemplate, or can be explained away as the result of unfortunate coincidence.

A STRANGE Commentary on our institutions, or rather on the manner in which we take care of them, is shown in the fact that while we are celebrating our greatness and our liberty, we manage the simplest affairs so bunglingly that a House elected as a reform body fails to furnish money enough to pay for the heating and lighting of our public buildings; and in the city to which we have invited all the world to witness a display of our resources gotten up by private enterprise, so necessary an institution as the post-office is only kept lit and heated by the public spirit of private individuals. The excuse given by the committee, if the true one, matched the thing itself, and as a piece of stupid partisanship is worth remembrance. It is pleasanter to believe that the want of an appropriation arose from a mistake, and the failure to pass a deficiency bill from misunderstanding. The candle's-end economy which has thus far distinguished the Democratic House is by no means reassuring. We save little liquor by sealing up the bung-hole when the head of the cask is off, and a dozen thirsty fellows, glass in hand, are allowed to remain unwatched within dipping distance of the contents.

THE Centennial Exposition has fought its way to favor, and fairly conquered admiration. The most doubtful are now assured of its success, and where criticism has not changed to praise, it has become silent. All the nations are on the ground, and the scene in the Park is already extraordinary. Where we thought the display likely to be weakest in the Art department-it is really going to be uncommonly strong. Nor does it promise to fail in any branch. The Machinery exhibit will surpass that of any previous exhibition, and

in nearly every department of human industry the display will be creditable in the extreme. Americans are the last, perhaps, to understand or appreciate the advantages of these international exhibitions, or their influence on national character and taste. In former cases they have taken comparatively but little interest in them, and in this they will hardly do as much as they ought to, and certainly by no means as much as they could. But they will be well if not satisfactorily represented at Philadelphia, and we shall have no reason to blush for our exhibits, while we have every cause to be proud of the preparations that have been made to display them, Energy, enterprise, public spirit, patriotic faith, courage, patience, determination, singular honesty of purpose, rare economy and prudence, inventive skill, taste, ingenuity-all these things have the Board of Finance and Executive Committee of the Commission showed. They have fairly won success for the Exhibition and honor for us all, and nothing that we can do in the way of thanks can discharge the debt we owe them.

THE death of Mr. A. T. Stewart has dissipated two ideas which prevailed with regard to him. It was popularly supposed that he was an uncultivated man of narrow mind, and that he would devote his great fortune, after his death, to public purposes. It turns out that he was a highly-educated man with a feeling for art and culture, and that he has made no provision himself for the distribution of his wealth. The public seem to feel a right to say in advance what a very rich man ought to do with his money, and one of the chief annoyances inseparable from great wealth must arise from the prevalence of that idea. Mr. Stewart had, of course, a perfect right to do with his own as he chose to do. He had made it by hard and honest labor. And yet a stranger standing at a distance may regret to see thrown away, or not made use of, an opportunity that hardly ever came before to an aged man, childless and the master of more than fifty millions. How much might not A. T. Stewart have done for Art and Culture! How blessed might he himself have made his name! He loved his country and knew its wants in that direction-and he was a man of culture and education, who cared for the beautiful! Providence gave him riches and length of days; he might have given himself honor, which is better than both of them.

But he did not. He leaves his fortune to his

widow and a legal friend, accompanied with no conditions and only indefinite directions; and instead of having the happiness of being, so to speak, his own executor, gives to others the opportunity which he did not seize. Such an end to such a career closes a game that seems to have been hardly worth the candle.

THE sudden death of Theodore Cuyler in the prime of life has left vacant a place in this community and at this bar that nothing can fill. He was a man of splendid intellectual powers, well trained and highly cultivated, full of skill and resource, versatile to a remarkable degree, and the master of a pure and vigorous eloquence. He could be an orator in these times, and alone of his generation win fame for eloquence without lessening his reputation as a lawyer. He seemed to stand midway between the man of learning and the man of speech, and unite in himself the powers of both. In every department of the profession he stood in the foremost rank, the rare exception to the general rule that forbids excellence in all. And he found time in the midst of overwhelming professional cases for public duties and the charms of private intercourse. Missed at the bar, his absence is no less lamented in the social circle, for he was at once the centre of the one and the leader of the other. The death of such a man is a public calamity which cannot be appreciated, perhaps, until we learn how many burdens he bore, how much he did, how hard it is to do without him.

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INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS.1

ADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The last words that fell from the lips of my kind friend who introduced me, lead me to introduce a little personal matter. I find by the cards issued for this lecture that the kind friends who made the arrangements for it, assumed to themselves a right which they did not possess, calling me a Fellow of the Royal Society, which is a very different thing from a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. It is the very highest honor to be a Fellow of the Royal Society; that does not belong to me; it is an accident into which my friends have fallen, and I could not think of A lecture delivered by Prof. Thomas C. Archer, April 13th.