vessels which they propose in the modus vivendi appended to the late treaty. That would never have yielded them $100,000 at the very outside, but who shall calculate what this will yield to Canada? Mr. KASSON-It amounts to millions.

Millions of Dollars Loss to Americans.

My friend from Iowa well says that it amounts to millions; aye, many millions. Give as the Mills Tariff bill proposes; give to the lumbermen of Canada the market for all their product in the United States; give to their farmers the right to bring every thing they raise; give to their orchards the right to bring in all their fruits; give to their gardens the right to bring in all the vegetables; give to their dairies the right to import their product; give to their quarries the right to supply the United States with building stone; give to their brickyards the right to make the bricks for our great cities and manufacturing towns; give to their grazers the right to bring in wool; give to their stock growers and their butchers the right to supply us with meat, and even down to the henneries and poultry yards, that the Democrats might not omit any thing,-give them the right to supply us with chickens and turkeys for a New-England Thanksgiving in honor of President Cleveland's surrender of American rights and interests [applause]; and when that is all done, you who live on the border, and are in constant communication with all that vast field of trade don't need to be told by me or by any one else that it involves millions of loss to the citizens of the United States. It is to me the most extraordinary proposal that ever was made.

have a right to do. I neither dispute their right nor envy their situation. It is their right to choose for themselves, as it is our right to choose for ourselves. But I am opposed, am totally opposed to giving the Canadians the sentimental satisfaction of waving the British flag, paying British taxes and enjoying the actual cash remuneration of American markets. [Great applause.] They cannot have both at the same time. If they come with us they can have what we have, but it is an absolute wrong against the rights of American citizens that millions of men who owe the United States no allegiance, who take no part nor lot with us, who are not of us, but choose to be foreign to us-it is an absolute wrong for a Democratic Congress to say that they shall have exactly the same share in our markets and the same privileges of trade under our flag that we have. [Applause.] I do not believe any gentleman from the other side who may now be doing me the honor to listen to me would say himself, glad as he might be of the advantage, that it was fair play. It is not fair play. It is not taking care of your own. It is not looking out for the rights of those who are obedient, honest, and loyal citizens; and a Government would be in default as to the duty it owes the bumblest citizen if it chose to say that we have no market here that shall be sacred to our people any more than it shall be sacred to those who are alien to us and owe allegiance to Queen Victoria.

Canadians Cannot Have the Whole American Earth.

I have nothing whatever to say against the Domin. ion of Canada as a government, nor against its inhab.

ludicrous "flop."

The United States made a reciprocity treaty in 1854. At the end of 12 years we gave notice that it should be terminated. If I remember aright, Mr. Chairman, that treaty only gave reciprocity on 42 articles, I believe Canada had the advantage on 40 then [laughter], but by the Mills Bill they will gain the other two. [Laughter]. Canada is given in this bill a great deal larger trade with the United States for nothing than was embodied in the treaty which aimed at reciprocity. There need not have been a moment's dispute on the fishery question. If we stand ready to concede the American markets to Canada as the Mills Bill does, Canada will give us equal rights in her fisheries for the enormous privileges conceded, and pay boot for the chance. And yet President Cleveland recommended all the concessions in the Mills Bill, and in addition made a treaty with England surrendering the rights of American fishermen. Couldn't he have found some other American rights to give up? When arrested in his surrender of our fishing rights by the defeat of the treaty in the Senate, the President, as we now all know 80 well, in order to show his deep displeasure with the Republican Senate for its course, proposes to go to the opposite extreme (until after election), and punish Canada. Why, by the same course of reasoning, will not the President, as soon as the Senate defeats the Mills Bill, make another somersault and change as radically in regard to tariffs as he has in regard to fisheries? May not his belated letter of acceptance disclose such a radical, but temporary change, a's will show him to be a protectionist up to the point of a prohibitory tariff? Would it be one whit more incon

sistent than his sudden conversion on the fisheries?

The Preservation of American rights should be above Party.

All these questions, which directly involve the pros. perity of our State and of every man in it, should not be mere issues between Republicans and Democrats. The value of a day's work, the protection of our industries, the preservation of American rights, are all larger questions than party organization or party triumph. You pay your taxes in Maine, you pay your taxes in the United States, you yield obedience, you Owe allegiance, you observe the laws, you live under the flag, you stand ready to fight for the National Union as you already have fought. Beyond the fron tier, across that river, our neighbors choose another Government, another allegiance. They are subjects of Queen Victoria, they are loyal to Her Majesty. They live under a foreign flag. They do exactly as they

able Government. There are able and clever men at the head of it. They have done a wonderful_work, and they have made wonderful progress, and I don't believe there is a citizen of the United States from one end of the country to the other that envies the people of the Dominion all the prosperity they may attain. The greater prosperity she may attain, the better for those of us who are trading with her. I wish them God-speed. But, so far as I can help it, I do not mean that they shall be Canadians and Americans at one and the same time. [Great applause.] They can choose their side of the question and remain over there. We We will maintain will obey all laws toward them. all treaties with them. We will stand faithfully by our word, in letter and spirit, we will treat them as neighbors and in peace as friends-men descended from the same British isles that the vast majority of citizens of the United States are-but I repeat that we don't love them well enough to invite them in to sit down at our hearthstones and take part of that which belongs to our own fireside and our own children. I have spoken freely, because I have nothing to conceal or withhold.

When President Cleveland's Free-Trade message reached England, it brought joy to the Cobden Club, and to the other FreeTraders of that Free-Trade land; and, until the warning went forth that such a course would prove detrimental to the Free-Trade cause, and that the better policy were a decorous silence, its press fairly teemed with congratulations to the English Free Traders, and praise of the American President, who was "playing into their hands" at the risk of sacrificing the best interests of his own country. Following are some of the comments of the British papers:

[From the Saturday Review.]

It may be taken for granted that the President has not acted without previously consulting the leaders of

New Protection Cry;''Free Trade and English Commerce;'The Western Farmer of America;' 'Reciprocity,' and so on. These tracts, or creeds, or whatever you may call them, are scattered broadcast through the length and breadth of Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, and Wisconsin. They are sent in the farmer's mail, they are distributed in the crowded cities and at public meetings. The sophistry and specious arguments brought to bear upon the questions of protection, free trade, reciprocity and the like are laughable, and betray the usual English ignorance of the intelligence and education of the average American.

"Yes, sir; money is used here by Englishmen for English ends. The Democractic party is the tool of these Cobden Club members and their sympathizers for two reasons: the first because, being a free trade party and opposed to fostering and protecting American industries, a foreign party, it is its policy; and the second, because liberal supplies of money can thus be secured; and Democratic principles, you know, can only be inculcated by the liberal use of money. No man who has lived in Iowa can deny that English influences are constantly at work for moulding popular opinion in favor of free trade.

James S. Weeks of Pennsylvania, said: “Do English manufacturers spend money in aid of the Democratic party, because of its friendliness to free trade? Yes, sir. I have heard of Mr. Bigelow's mission. I don't doubt it is for some such purpose as drumming up funds, although of course, I can't say. But one thing I do know, that Englishmen meddle with our politics with an impudence that is colossal. Do you suppose that for one moment the British would tolerate our going over to London, or Manchester, or Birmingham and attempting to run their elections?" Ex-Congressman Murch, who represented the Fifth Congressional District of Maine for two terms, being elected on a Greenback-Labor ticket, is now supporting Mr. Blaine. He said: "Certainly I know that English influence is brought to bear on our elections. I have heard something about Bigelow's mission, but know nothing definite. All through Maine the Cobden Club's influence is felt. Their pamphlets find their way into every farm house. There can be no disputing the fact that Democracy, free trade, and British interest are bound up together. The money and influence of English manufacturers play a much greater part in American politics than most persons would believe."

An Englishman's Confession to Neal Dow. The manner in which part of the British gold is used, is shown in the following letter: SIR: I see... that the Hon. J. P. Dolliver of Iowa, affirms that " British gold is to be used in this canvass." We have in Maine an Englishman who has built up from very small beginnings, for himself and his sons, a very large and profitable trade in the manufacture of special goods, which before his day always came from England. His goods are now of the very best, and his prices are much less than those at which the imported

articles were sold.

I was his guest a little while ago at his charming home, when he told me this story. He was at home England-and was one day in a large warehouse of a friend of his, a manufacturer on a large scale. A gentleman came in whom he did not know, and, taking his friend apart, showed him a small memorandum book. After a few moments' talk, his friend went to his desk and drew a check which he gave to the stranger, who went away. His friend explained to him that it was his contribution to a fund for which all manufacturers were assessed in proportion to the products of their mills.

"What is this fund?" my informant asked. "It is for use in the United States in the interests of free trade."

"How is the money employed?"

"In subsidizing American newspapers, in paying lecturers and other persons in operating on public opinion, in payment to writers of tracts, in printing and circulating them in the United States, especially in the West, and among members of Congress."

"Do you really operate directly on Congress?" "Yes; by lobbyists regularly employed for that purpose."

"Does any of the fund go into the pockets of members?"

"I do not know any thing of that.”

This information is entirely reliable, coming to me directly from a man well known to me and widely known and honored in this country. PORTLAND, ME., Oct. 8, 1884. NEAL DOW.

More exact proofs of the corrupt machinations of the Cobden Club to break down the Republican Protective System in America — Testimony of Consul Dudley, Thomas Bailey Potter, and John Bright. But were further proof needed of the insidious and corrupting methods of the Cobden Club in its determination to break down the Republican Protective System in America, it is furnished in the following report in the New York Tribune, Oct. 29, 1884:

At a meeting of the Republican Association of Astoria, a few evenings ago, Thomas H. Dudley, exConsul of the United States at Liverpool, spoke to a large assembly of farmers and artisans. After speaking of the high character of the Republican candidate for the Presidency, whom he has known for many years, Mr. Dudley dwelt at length on the principle of Protection as opposed to the English theory of FreeTrade. He explained that the English system entirely disregarded the question of labor, while the American system regards labor as of primary importance. A portion of his speech which excited much interest among his hearers, was devoted to the Cobden Club, with whose workings the speaker is well acquainted. He said:

"England, also, is demanding of us the adoption of her system of a tariff for revenue only, or tariff for revenues exclusively. England takes a deep interest in this question. You all know the expressions made by the English newspapers and by the English people when Grover Cleveland was nominated. There is not a single English newspaper in favor of Blaine, they are all in favor of Cleveland. There is not a prominent Englishman to-day but is anxious to see Cleveland elected and Blaine defeated. I was in England myself when Carlisle was elected Speaker, and if there had been no other reason I should have become then and there a protectionist at seeing the rejoicing of the people in England. They took me by the hand and congratulated me, and said: That is the beginning of the end; you are to have Free-Trade.' I said, I can't see that I have any thing to be congratulated upon; it may be good for you, but it is bad for us.' Oh, it is a good thing; it is a good thing,' they say. "Having lived abroad, I know the Englishmen, their With them any thing is good that benefits them, refeelings and their sentiments upon this question. gardless of its effect upon other nations. I was dining on one occasion at the Reform Club in London. It was quite a large dinner-party and a number of members of Parliament were present, and the subject under discussion was that of the Irish people and of the Irish nation. On this occasion as on occasions before-very frequently indeed-the Irish were the that were passed upon them were not very favorable subject of discussion; and generally the criticisms occasion. In the midst of the conversation one of the to that people or to that nation, and so it was upon this gentlemen spoke up and said this: The only time that an Irishman is of any benefit is when he emigrates to the United States and joins the Democratic That was applauded party and votes for Free-Trade.' by every man at the table excepting myself.

Power of the Cobden Club. "England is carrying out this work of breaking down our protective policy, and to accomplish it has formed the Cobden Club-and for wealth, power and influence I know of no political organization in this world that is its equal. It includes statesmen, politicians, bankers, merchants, the legal profession, manufacturers and ministers of the Gospel, and even the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Coleridge, is a member of it. It includes in its membership 219 members of Parliament, and every member of the present English Cabinet except Lord Selbourne is a member of the Cobden Club. It has its agents all over this country; it has issued documents, and now has as its chief agent the Democratic party of this country.

They distributed in this country last year over 700,000 copies of their documents and pamphlets with the object of educating our people to break down the American system of protection. In support of my statement I hold in my hand a copy of their minutes, which came to me directly from the Cobden Club in London, in the month of March of this year, while I was there. The London Times in a recent article said: It is to the New World that the Cobden Club is chiefly looking as the most likely sphere for its vigorous foreign policy. It has done what it can in Europe, and is now furning its eyes westward and bracing itself for the struggle which is to come. It cannot rest while the United States are unsubdued.' "That foreign institution, that foreign club, formed on English soil, sustained by English wealth, by Engglish influence and English power, cannot rest until the United States are subdued, and they are at work subduing us. I repeat, they have their agents all over this country, that they have distributed 700,000 copies of their circulars here; they are busy, they are in your towns, and they are even in your colleges and your institutions of learning.

"Let me read an extract from these minutes-not published here- this is an English book, coming from London directly, from the Cobden Club, sent to me by a gentleman living in London. It is the annual meeting of the Cobden Club, held at the Century Club Rooms on Saturday July 19, 1884: Special report for the Club-for the members of the Club alone. The Cobden medal for 1883 at Harvard University, United States of America, was awarded to Mr. David L. Conyngham for an essay on the decline and future of the American shipping. At Williams College, Massachusetts, United States of America, the Cobden medal for 1884 was won by Henry H. Wentworth, Niagara Falls, New-York, and the 1884 medal at Yale College, Connecticut, United States of America, was won by Albert Monroe Pott, of Montclair, New Jer. sey.' But this is not all. The man who teaches political economy in Yale College, Professor Sumner, is a member of the Cobden Club of England. The man who is selected to teach our students political economy in Williams College, Professor Perry, is also a member of the Cobden Club-his name is here among the list of members. David A. Wells, of Connecticut, is a member. Let me read you further froia their minutes-from their own book from page 18 of their proceedings for 1883: In the United States ... the exertions of your committee in disseminating publications have had the effect to bring free exchange to the front as one of the great questions of the day. Your committee continue to afford all the assistance in their power to those who are laboring in the freetrade power in foreign countries. In America, in the course of political events, there is great promise. Within three or four years the attention of the American people has been in a large extent directed to this question which has long been kept pretty much out of sight by considerations arising out of the effects of the great civil war. The result of turning of public attention in this direction is seen in the fact that revenue reform has become a leading question in the Presidential contest, and is on the winning side.'

Some of its members in this country. "When I come to look at the list of members of the Cobden Club, I find Henry Ward Beecher among them, and I can understand why he is going to vote for Grover Cleveland. He ought to do so, for he is a member of the club. When I look farther, and see Carl Schurz in the list of members of the Cobden Club, I can understand why he is going to vote for Grover Cleveland. But that is not all: you have also the name here of 8. 8. Cox, who is running for Congress in New York. He, too, is a member of the Cobden Club; and, when he votes for the Morrison bill, he is but carrying out the instructions of that club. That club is not only using every effort here for the Democratic party, but may be the means of electing Grover Cleveland, the candidate of the Democratic party.

"I am reading from another one of their books, and one I got, also, from the Cobden Club in England in March of this present year. It is an address made by Mr. Mongredien, one of their agents that they employ to write for them, and it is issued by the Cobden Club to the farmers of America. It is not printed in this country. It is direct from them; and Thomas Bailey Potter, the secretary, told me himself in a letter that

he wrote to me that they had distributed 55,000 copies of this in the United States. Their instructions are in these words: 'Let the American farmers give their support to no candidate for a seat in the House of Representatives who does not pledge himself, if elected, to propose, or at least vote for, a reduction of 5 per cent every successive year on the import duties until the whole are abolished. Let no farmer vote for any member of Congress until he has first pledged himself to vote for a reduction of 5 per cent every year until all the duties are abolished.' These are the instructions that Mr. Cox of New York has, and has carried out, and has even gone beyond them in the Morrison bill, and is in favor of passing a bill reducing the duties 20 per cent. It may be that new instructions have been issued. He is a member, and should know, and it is for him to explain.

"Mr. Morrison who introduced that bill, is also a member of that club; his name is here among them, as also that of Frank Hurd, who has just been defeated in Ohio. It is not to be expected that these prominent members of the Cobden Club whom I have named will vote for James G. Blaine, and if you want to repeal the American system and adopt English FreeTrade, then vote for Grover Cleveland. If on the other hand you are in favor of protecting the laboring men and women of this country against the starvation wages of Europe, then vote for James G. Blaine. [Prolonged applause.] This is a question in which every one has interest; that comes home to every one of you.

"The Democrats will say you pay too much taxes; that you pay too much for the coat you wear; that you can buy it cheaper in England; that therefore you should take off the duties, repeal the tariff and buy it there.

Manufactured products cheaper here.

"I am prepared to prove that there is not a single manufactured product but is cheaper to-day in the United States than it was in 1860, before we had any protective tariff. Cotton goods have fallen at least 20 per cent; woollen goods and dress goods 25 per cent; silk goods on an average from 30 to 35 per cent; and all kinds of mechanical implements from a needle up to an anchor are cheaper to-day. Whilst I was Consul at Liverpool I invoiced steel rails to the amount of millions of dollars at $130 per ton. You can buy them here now made in the Pennsylvania Steel Works or at the Thompson Steel Works at $27 per ton. made seven thousand million dollars' worth of goods here last year. We paid to the laboring men and women of our country for the production of those goods one thousand five hundred million dollars. Of course you understand that these wages, $1,500,000,000 do not remain in the pocket of the laboring man, but he distributes them among the butcher, the baker, the grocer, the tailor, the bootmaker, and various other people who have his custom.

We

"You have labor organizations to keep out foreign labor; you get up laws to prevent contracts being made for prison labor, and all those things in favor of your own labor; and here you propose with one fell swoop either to reduce the labor of the whole country to the standard of Europe, or else to transfer our manufacturing industries there. We pay in this country on an average about double what is paid to the laboring men of England.

"In 1867 the Government sent David A. Wells to Europe for the purpose of investigating the questions of protection and of labor, and I was detailed to accompany him. We went among the manufactories; I have seen their operations, inquired into their wages, seen their condition and know of what I speak. In a small town in the black country, for instance, where there were the Mitre Iron Works, I saw a young girl about twenty-one years of age taking coal out of a canal boat and wheeling it up an inclined plane and shooting it into the mouth of a furnace.. With the permission of the president I inquired of the girl and learned of the following remarkable facts: If she worked for twelve hours a day for six days in a week, she would earn five shillings a week, with which, together with some small pittance earned by her mother, amounting in all to nine shillings and eight pence a week, the two had to house themselves, clothe themselves, and keep themselves warm. They lived on bread every day, with a few potatoes every other day, and a piece of meat once a month. I do