worship, the tuneful sighing' of some in the gallery (an expedient it should seem to raise the life,' and encourage a minister, out of heart at their low estate) having become burdensome to his spirit, he publicly checked it by reproof, and exposed the emptiness of the practice. At a Monthly Meeting at Lurgan in Ireland (held at a particular time at his request) a leading friend' attempted to adjourn the Meeting (as far as regarded the discipline) to the usual time; when it would be more select. John Churchman penetrated this device at once: I asked them (he says) what was meant by the words 'more select,' and further said, if any persons were present that had not a right to sit there, they should withdraw; they knew their own members. If they meant the Friend who came with us, he was a neighbouring Friend, and an elder; and as for myself, I esteem myself a proper member of their meeting; as I came to visit them with the concurrence of my brethren at home, and had Certificates from them, wherein I was recommended to Friends in Europe and elsewhere: and if I did any thing among them worthy of censure, I should submit to their dealing; and therefore desired them to go on with their business: for I had come thither with a concern to see how the affairs of the church went on.' They proceeded accordingly: and now the nakedness of the land was spied out, for things of disorder had lain several years without proper dealing with various offenders' and there had been one or more marriages out of the order of Truth.' So that he had now evidence on which to proceed, in judgment as a Minister, upon the transgressors and their partial overseers. I left the place (he says) with a peaceful mind, and thankful to the Lord, who had given me an innocent boldness to asert my right of membership; for I believe, if we had not been there, the meeting would have been thought select! (h) This Friend was twice engaged in bearing a public Testimony against the payment, by quakers, of Taxes levied directly for the purposes of War. In 1748 or 1749, the Representatives of the Province assembled at Philadelphia, being urged to grant a sum of money to station a ship of force at Delaware capes: also, to encourage the building of a battery below the City-which was begun some time before, by subscription, but likely to be too heavy for the undertakers,' it came very weightily upon me (he says) to go to the House of Assembly, and lay before the members thereof the danger of departing from trusting in that divine arm of power, which has hitherto protected the inhabitants of our land in peace and safety.'

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After much deliberation, with prayer, being pressed in mind (he continues) I went to the State-house-and got there just as the Speaker, John Kinsey, was going in. I beckoned to him and he came to me, I told him I wanted to be admitted into the House; for I thought I had something to say to them, which seemed to me of importance.' The speaker, with another member near him, endeavoured at first to restrict his communication to the Friends present (for there were divers members' it was said not of our society') but he persisted in his appli

(h) Account &c. p. 161.

cation to address the whole House; and they had the courtesy to admit him. His speech as recorded by himself in the Account' is as follows: "My Countrymen and Fellow-subjects, Representatives of the Inhabitants of this Province.

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"Under an apprehension of the difficulties before you, I feel a strong sympathy with you, and have to remind you of a just and true saying of a great minister of Jesus Christ in his day, The powers that be are ordained of God.' Now if men in power and authority, in whatsoever station, would seek unto God (who will be a spirit of judgment to them that sit in judgment) for wisdom and counsel to act singly for him that ordained the power, and permitted them to be stationed therein, that they should be his ministers, such will be a blessing, under God, to themselves and their country: but if those in authority do suffer their own fears, and the persuasions of others, to prevail with them to neglect such attention, and so make or enact laws, in order to their own protection and defence by carnal weapons and fortifications, stiled human prudence, he who is Superintendant, by withdrawing the arm of his power, may permit those evils they feared to come suddenly upon them; and that in his heavy displeasure. May it with gratitude be ever remembered, how remarkably we have been preserved in peace and tranquility for more than fifty years! No invasion by foreign enemies; and the treaties of peace with the natives, wisely begun by our worthy proprietor William Penn, preserved inviolate to this day.

"Though you now represent, and act for, a mixed people of various denominations as to religion, yet remember the charter is the same as at first: beware therefore of acting to oppress tender consciences, for there are many of the inhabitants whom you now represent, that still hold forth the same religious principles with their predecessors, who were some of the first adventurers into this, at that time wilderness, land; who would be greatly grieved to see warlike preparations carried on, and encouraged by a law consented to by their brethren in profession, or others, contrary to the charter; still conscientiously concluding, that the reverent and true fear of God, with an humble trust in his ancient arm of power, would be our greatest defence and safety. And they who hold different principles, and are settled in this government, can have no just cause of reflection if warlike measures are forborn; because they knew the charter framed, and the peaceable constitution, and have ventured themselves therein.

"We may observe by sundry laws enacted in parliament, when the Reformation was but newly begun in England, our mother country, there seemed to be wisdom from above to influence their minds. May you be rightly directed at this time, many of whom do fully believe in the immediate influence of Christ, the wisdom of God, which is truly profitable to direct. It is not from disrespect to the king or government that I speak after this manner, for I am thankful in heart that the Lord in mercy hath vouchsafed, that the throne of Great Britain should be filled with our present benevolent prince, King George the Second; may his reign be long and happy!" (i)

And in 1755, after he had been in Europe, there being before the House a Bill (which ultimately passed) for granting a sum of money for the king's use, to be issued in paper bills of credit, to be called in and sunk at a stated time by a Tax on the inhabitants'—many Friends became painfully apprehensive' that this large sum of money was principally intended for purposes inconsistent with our peaceable testimony.' And they united with John Churchman, not only in an 'Address to the Representatives of the freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met,' deprecating a war-tax, but likewise in An Epistle of tender care and caution to Friends in Penn

6

(i) Account &c. p. 96.

sylvania' on the subject. (k) It appears that on this occasion, in order to animate the people to take arms, the bodies of some murdered and scalped persons had been brought to Philadelphia, and obtruded on the view of the inhabitants in a waggon; many people following, cursing the Indians; also the quakers, because they would not join in war for destruction of the Indians.'

The sight of the bodies (he says) and the outcry of the people were very afflicting and shocking to me-my mind was humbled and turned much inward; when I was made secretly to cry, What will become of Pennsylvania? For it felt to me; that many did not con

sider that the sins of the Inhabitants, pride, profane swearing, drunkenness with other wickedness, were the cause that the Lord had suffered this calamity and scourge to come upon them.' He had at this time a gloomy presage, that the blood of the slain, and that of the poor enslaved negroes (who were obtained, also, at the expence of much blood in their own land) would be required where those bodies were

now seen.

So strong was the feeling, in this Friend's mind, against an armed defence of themselves by Christians, that he once declined going on a Religious visit to the West Indies, because he could not have his passage (it being a time of war) in any other than an armed vessel. He died in great peace of mind in 1775, aged about seventy.

A. D.

1736.

Major Gordon deceasing this summer, after a prudent and prosperous administration of about ten years, the Government of Pennsylvania devolves on the Council, James Logan being President.

The services of President Logan appear to have been employed chiefly in the management of Indian affairs; among which people he had great influence. In this year we meet with the first public mention of Benjamin Franklin; who obtained by petition the post of Clerk to the Assembly, as successor to Joseph Growden. (1)

1737.

Further representations are made to Parliament, of the severe Sufferings of the Quakers (in England) occasioned by the manner of enforcing Ecclesiastical demands. A Bill is brought in for their relief, which passes the Commons; but is lost, through Clerical influence, in the Lords.

The prosecutions complained of, though frequently commenced for trivial sums (from four-pence to five shillings, and great part not exceeding forty shillings) had been attended with so heavy costs and rigorous executions, that above £800 had been taken from ten persons, upon whom the original demands, taken collectively, did not amount to £15. 'Christian charity must admit (the Historian observes) that their refusal of such demands is purely conscientious; since no reasonable man, considering his circumstances and family, would incur such sufferings on any other account.'

severe

Three anonymous pamphlets appeared against this Bill, reported to be the productions of Bishops: one of these, written by the then Bishop

(k) Account &c. p. 231-239.

(1) Proud ii. 215 and note.

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of London, the author of Codex Juris Ecclesiastici Anglicani. It was entitled The County parson's plea against the Quakers' Bill,' &c.:" and a copious and spirited reply to it appeared in the form of a letter to the author-anonymous, but afterwards found to be by Lord Hervey. The Bishop had admitted, that no wise or good clergyman would apply to any other method, than that prescribed by the Bill. Upon which the noble author retorts, If the wisest and best use it of choice, this will be an argument, that the unreasonable and unjust should be restrained to it. For, are the subjects of England to have no better security against oppression, than the wisdom and goodness of the Clergy? Or, ought the Clergy to be trusted with a power which, according to the parson's confession, neither a wise clergyman nor a good clergyman can use, without mischief either to himself or his neighbour? Where the power of oppression is, acts of oppression will undoubtedly be.' (m) There were fifteen Bishops in the majority (out of 54 Non-content, to 35 Content) against the Bill. The case is

in Gough, at length.

A. D. George Thomas, Esquire, comes out as Governor of Pennsyl1738. vania under the Proprietaries.

Gov. Thomas, whose appointment had been opposed and delayed by Lord Baltimore, appears to have been a man of ability and resolution, yet in some things did not sufficiently understand the nature and genius of the people over whom he presided. In the first part of his administration, his conduct seems to have been satisfactory to the country: but war commencing, about 1740, between England and Spain, his manner of urging some Military demands, with which the Assembly, being chiefly quakers, on account of their religious principles could not comply, seems to have brought on much altercation; and to have rendered the administration disagreeable to both.

The Assemblies were not averse, however, to granting money for the general use of the Crown. In 1741, they granted for the king's use £3000, and in 1746 £5000; beside some other payments of like nature: about £2,500, for instance, to compensate masters whose servants had been induced to join the Army. (n) 1739. Andrew Hamilton Esquire, the Speaker of the House of

Assembly of the province of Pennsylvania, retiring on account of age and infirmities, makes a Valedictory Speech to the House. The sentiments conveyed in this speech are too much to the purpose of my work to be passed by. The author of them (who was a Philadelphian) died in the latter part of the summer, 1741. He had served in considerable stations, with honour, integrity and ability. He was a Lawyer of note for many years, and had acquired much repute in his profession.

"I would beg leave to observe to you, that it is not to the fertility of our soil, and the commodiousness of our rivers, that we ought chiefly to attribute the great progress this province has made, within so small a compass of years, in improvements, wealth, trade and navigation, and the extraordinary increase of people,

(m) Gough iv. 282.

(n) Proud, chap. xxviii.

who have been drawn hither, from almost every country in Europe; a progress, which much more ancient settlements, on the main of America, cannot at present boast of. No: it is principally, and almost wholly, owing to the excellency of our Constitution; under which we enjoy a greater share both of civil and religious liberty than any of our neighbours.

"It is our great happiness, that, instead of triennial Assemblies, a privilege which several other Colonies have long endeavoured to obtain, ours are annual; and for that reason, as well as others, less liable to be practised upon or corrupted either with money or presents. We sit, upon our own adjournments, when we please, and as long as we think necessary; and we are not to be sent a packing in the middle of a debate, and disabled from representing our just grievances to our gracious Sovereign, if there should be occasion; which has often been the fate of Assemblies in other places.

"We have no officers but what are necessary; none but what earn their salaries ; and those generally are either elected by the people, or appointed by their representatives.

"Other provinces swarm with unnecessary officers, nominated by the Governors; who often make it a main part of their care to support those officers, (notwithstanding their oppressions) at all events. I hope it will ever be the wisdom of our Assemblies to create no great offices nor officers, nor indeed any officer at all, but what is really necessary for the service of the country; and to be sure to let the people or their representatives, have at least a share in their nomination or appointment. This will always be a good security against the mischievous influence of men holding places at the pleasure of the Governor.

“Our foreign trade and shipping are free from all imposts, except those small duties payable to his Majesty, by the statute laws of Great Britain. The taxes which we pay for carrying on the public service are inconsiderable; for the sole power of raising and disposing of the public money, for the support of government, is lodged in the Assembly; who appoint their own Treasurer; and to them alone he is accountable. Other incidental taxes are assessed, collected and applied by persons annually chosen by the people themselves. Such is our happy state, as to our civil rights.

"Nor are we less happy in the enjoyment of a perfect freedom as to Religion. By many years experience we find, that an equality among religious societies, without distinguishing any one sect with greater privileges than another, is the most effectual method to discourage hypocrisy, promote the practice of the moral virtues, and prevent the plagues and mischiefs that always attend religious squabbling.

"This is our Constitution; and this constitution was framed by the wisdom of Mr. Penn, the first Proprietary and founder of this Province; whose charter of privileges to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, will ever remain a monument of his benevolence to mankind, and reflect more lasting honour on his descendants than the largest possessions. In the framing this government, he reserved no powers to himself or his heirs to oppress the people, no authority but what is necessary for our protection, and to hinder us from falling into anarchy; and therefore (supposing we could persuade ourselves, that all our obligations to our great lawgiver, and his honourable descendants, were entirely cancelled, yet) our own interests should oblige us carefully to support the Government, on its present foundation, as the only means to secure to ourselves and our posterity the enjoyment of those privileges; and the blessings flowing from such a constitution, under which we cannot fail of being happy, if the fault is not our own.

"Yet I have observed, that in former Assemblies there have been men, who have acted in such a manner, as if they utterly disregarded all those inestimable privileges, and (whether from private pique and personal dislike, or through mistake, I will not determine) have gone great lengths in risking our happiness, in the prosecution of such measures, as did not at all square with the professions they frequently made of their love to our government.

VOL. IV.