manifestations of political corruption have been more or less closely From 1858 to 1861 inclusive, Mr. Schell was Collector of Customs in New York. He owed his appointment to the fact of his being a strong Democrat, and he made use of his position to promote the interests of his party. In four years he removed 389 out of 690 officials under him. To him succeeded Mr. Barney, a Republican-for the Government of President Lincoln was now in power. Mr. Barney removed no fewer than 525 out of 702 officials in his office. Mr. Draper, his successor, made 117 removals. Mr. Smythe, who succeeded to the office in 1866, removed 830 out of 903 officials during three years' tenure of office. Mr. Grinnell was his successor, and he effected the removal of 510 officials out of 892 during sixteen months of office. Mr. Murphy followed, and removed 338 officials during eighteen months of collectorship. The scandals of this gentleman's administration resulted in a committee of investigation from Washington. It would thus appear that, in the period of five years from 1866 to 1871, there were 1,678 removals from office in the New York Custom-house, or more than one for every day, Sundays excepted. These were not even removals on party grounds, for the Republican party was in power during the whole of this period. They were removals on mere sectional grounds, effected as one section or the other of the party happened to be dominant in New York for the time being. The second result of this very mischievous system of appointment to the public service, was that the duties of that service were badly performed. One of the Commission reports on the question stated, that, "under the present system, the larger number of the United States weighers, who receive $2,500 per annum, render but little, if any, personal service to the Government; the weighers' clerks, receiving $1,200 per annum, in some instances perform no duty." The report also states that "in some districts sixty or eighty persons are employed where thirty-five would be a sufficient number." It may be said with truth that the United States are by no means peculiar in this respect, for the grossest anomalies exist in the British and Continental customs' services. But while we look, as a matter of course, for obsolete abuses slumbering calmly under the protecting wings of European governments, venerable from age, and covered with the accumulated dust and rubbish of centuries, we expect better things in the United States. In this particular matter our reasonable expectations are scarcely fulfilled, for the New York Chamber of Commerce, in 1874, estimated that while it cost the United States about $7,000,000 to collect the duties on imports of the value of $642,000,000, it cost Great Britain, in the same year, $5,000,000 to collect duties on imports of the value of $1,800,000,000. A Commission appointed by the Government also demonstrated that the expense of collecting revenue duties in the United States had been more than three times as large as in France, more than four times as large as in Germany, and nearly five times as large as in Great Britain. The administration of the Post-office in New York shows in a still stronger light the evil results of this system. For upwards of forty years this important institution was managed by partisan politicians, who were placed there as a reward for party services. Accordingly, the chiefs of the office neglected and were ignorant of their duties. Assessments for party objects were made on the salaries of the officials, on pain of ejection if refused. We are told that officers still in service at the New York Post-office have seen half the sorters at a large table too drunk to discharge their duties, while bags of neglected letters accumulated in the office. Under one postmaster there were huge peculations of public money; and, in short, the shadow of scandal and disgrace rested over the Post-office of the Empire City. Such were the results of the system which unscrupulous partisans had introduced for their own profit and aggrandizement. But although the Republican party had been to some extent infected with the corruption which their opponents had initiated, it is to that party that the nation looked for reform, and it is, perhaps, that party which will finally effect the reform demanded. It was, of course, out of the question that reform of this kind should be undertaken during the period of the Civil War. The nation was otherwise engaged. Nor was the succeeding period of the reconstruction of the Southern States more favourable. But under the administration of General Grant the first attempts in this direction were made. General Grant is regarded as rather a friend of the "spoils " system than otherwise, and certainly some malodorous public scandals were unearthed during his term of office. But none the less certain is it that he, as President, made the first appeal to Congress for aid in reforming the public service. That appeal was made in 1870, and it resulted in the law of March 3, 1871, under which a Civil Service Commission was appointed. In his message to Congress, General Grant had said: "The present system does not secure the best men, and often not even fit men, for the public places. The elevation and purification of the Civil Service of the Government will be hailed with approval by the whole people of the United States." Congress accordingly authorized the President to prescribe fitting conditions and regulations for the admission of persons into the Civil Service, and for two years it made an appropriation for the purpose of carrying into effect the provisions of the Act. But although the Commission was appointed, and although the President made repeated appeals to Congress for its assistance, that body, after the first two years, refused to make any further appropriations for carrying the law into effect. It is, perhaps, not unreasonable to assume that, while the President would have been glad to be relieved from the unceasing applications of swarms of office-seekers, the majority of members of Congress found the existing system too well adapted to serve their own political ends to be willing to give it up. Still, something had been done; the Commission had been established, and the system of examinations for public appointments had taken place under its auspices. The satisfactory character of these results had been set forth in the report of the Commission, made to President Grant, in April, 1874. That report was transmitted by the President to Congress, together with a special message, containing these words: "Herewith I transmit the report of the Civil Service Commission. If sustained by Congress, I have no doubt the rules can, after experience gained, be so improved and enforced as to still more materially benefit the public service and relieve the Executive, members of Congress, and the heads of departments, from influences prejudicial to good administration. The rules, as they have hitherto been enforced, have resulted beneficially, as is shown by the opinions of the members of the Cabinet and their subordinates in the departments; and in that opinion I concur.” Congress was, however, deaf to the President's appeals, and refused to render the necessary pecuniary aid. The examinations, therefore, were suspended. This is only one of several instances where the wisdom and patriotism of the President has far exceeded that of the Congress. General Grant's successor adopted his views on this subject. Under President Hayes, further trials of the examination system were made at Washington and New York; and in his message of December, 1879, Mr. Hayes said of them: "In every instance they have been found to be as salutary as they are stated to have been under the administration of my predecessor. I think the economy, purity, and efficiency of the public service would be greatly promoted by their systematic introduction, wherever practicable, throughout the entire civil service of the Government, together with ample provision for their general supervision, in order to secure consistency and uniform justice. The reports from the Secretary of the Interior, from the Postmaster-General, from the Postmaster in the City of New York, where such examinations have been some time on trial, and also from the Collector of the Port, the Naval Officer, and the Surveyor of that city, and from the postmasters and collectors of several of the larger cities, show that the competitive system, where applied, has in various ways contributed to improve the public service. The reports show that the result has been salutary in a marked degree, and that the general application of similar rules could not fail to be of decided benefit to the public service." In his annual message of December, 1880, President Hayes reiterated his previously expressed opinion, stating that he is persuaded "that the facilities which such a Commission will afford for testing the fitness of those who apply for office, will not only be as welcome a relief to members of Congress as it will be to the President and heads of departments, but that it will also greatly tend to remove the causes of embarrassment which now inevitably and constantly attend the conflicting claims of patronage between the legislative and executive departments." It seems quite evident, from the foregoing evidence, that the Executive has been earnestly desirous to put an end to this partisan system, and to substitute a system of ap pointment by merit; but the legislative branch of the Government has not shown itself active in the matter; nay, it has even crippled the efforts of the Executive by refusing to supply the needful funds. Nevertheless, a Committee of the Senate was appointed to consider the question, and that Committee drew up a report (ordered by the Senate to be printed, February 16, 1881) strongly condemnatory of the "spoils" system, and favouring appointment by competitive examination. The Committee reports to the Senate a Bill having for its object the carrying out of these principles," and earnestly recommends its passage.' The preamble of the Bill declares that "common justice requires that, so far as practicable, all citizens duly qualified shall be allowed equal opportunities, on grounds of personal fitness, for securing appointments, employment, and promotion in the subordinate civil service of the United States." The bill provides for the appointment of commissioners, who shall devise rules for examinations of a competitive character, whereby applicants shall enjoy equal chances of entering the public service of the American Government. The report of the Committee is an able and valuable document, in which the experience of Great Britain on this matter is referred to, and her example commended to the attention of the American people. The above brief resumé indicates some of the steps which have beentaken to put an end to the unfortunate methods of appointment introduced by President Jackson. It may be supplemented by a still briefer statement of the reforms actually effected in the principal hotbed of partisan corruption, the City of New York. I have already given some account of the Custom-house of that city under the old régime, showing the deplorable condition of things under the Swart wonts and the Hoyts. In 1871, President Grant appointed to the Collectorship of Customs in New York, Mr. Arthur, who is now Vice-President of the United States; and shortly after his appointment the new rules, which had been established by the law of the 3rd March, previously referred to, came into effect. The enforcement of these rules was very imperfect, owing to the attitude of Congress, and owing to the fact that appropriations for their enforcement ceased, as has already been stated, after two years. Nevertheless, even under these circumstances, the results have been favourable. Mr. Arthur himself bore his testimony. "There can be no doubt," he said, "that the increased strictness required by the new system has in this respect been beneficial. It has excluded many unfit persons, and deterred a much larger number from applying." The Naval Officer of New York stated that "the civil service rules have been adhered to, and that the examinations which have been had have resulted favourably." Under President Hayes, Mr. Merritt (now ConsulGeneral in London) was appointed Collector, and the Custom-house was still further improved. An honest and efficient man was now at the helm, and the result was plainly perceptible. Very few removals were made by him, and not one of them was without good cause-partisan reasons having nothing to do with them. The cost of collection was also reduced, and other valuable results ensued. What was the cause of this change? Doubtless, the character of the Collector had something to do with it; but he himself was appointed-spite of the opposition of Mr. Conkling, whose nominee Mr. Arthur was-because of his ability and fitness for the post. And Collector Merritt himself signed a joint report, which was presented to the President in November, 1879, in which occur these words: "These examinations, and the excellent qualifications of those admitted to the service through them, have had a marked incidental effect upon the persons previously in the service, and particularly upon those aspiring to promotion. There has been, upon the part of the latter, an increased interest in the work, and a desire to extend acquaintance with it beyond the particular desk occupied; and thus the general morale of the entire service has been raised." The reforming era set in, not only in the Custom-house, but also in the Post-office of New York. In the year 1873 was appointed, for the first time during many years, a postmaster who thoroughly understood his important duties. This was Mr. James, now Postmaster-General in the Cabinet of President Garfield. Mr. James soon commenced to clear out that Augean stable. He worked with vigour, tact, and knowledge, and accomplished results of the greatest importance, completely transforming the administration of the Post-office, and effecting, at the same time, an important saving in its expenditure. Collections and deliveries of letters became more frequent, mails much larger than before were handled with less cost, and drunken and incapable officials were discharged, giving place to honest men. Here again, Mr. James, in common with the Collector of Customs, bears testimony to the system of appointment by merit. Referring to the rules, he says, in a report to the President, dated November 8, 1879: "I have no hesitation in saying that the results have been salutary in a marked degree, and that from |