tain the endowments, the glebes, tithes, estates, rights, honors, when it is no longer the Church of England. The Pope, it seems, is now to be put on the voluntary system; let us wait the result before we reduce our own clergy to that state, of something far worse than poverty, subserviency to their congregations. Break up the Establishmentwhich, we repeat, must be the inevitable consequence of the severance from the State tical good sense, not often surpassed in our common literature. If suspected as a religious writer (and we may observe that whoever wishes to be acquainted with the real tenets of the American Unitarians will find in his writings the most distinct statement of them)-as an ethical writer, as an expositor of the modes of moral, social, religious thought and feeling among our New England kindred, he might be studied with great advantage. In a very remarkable ser--and what a Cadmean army of sects, not mon On Associations, (Dewey's Works, p. 259,) we read: "With regard to those great associations denominated religious sects, I fear that the case in volves no less peril to the mental independence of our people. I allow that the multiplicity of sects in this country is some bond for their mutual for bearance and freedom; but the strength and repose of a great establishment are, in some respects, more favorable to private liberty. If less favor is shown to those without, there is usually more liberality to those within. It is in the protected soil of great establishments that the germs of every great reform in the Church have quietly taken root. For myself, if I were ever to permit my liberty to be compromised by such considerations, I would rather take my chance in the bosom of a great national religion than amidst the jealous eyes of small and contending sects, and I think it will be found that a more liberal and catholic theology has always pervaded establishments than the bodies of dissenters from them. Nay, I much doubt whether intolerance itself in such countries, in England and Germany for instance, has ever gone to the length of Jewish and Samaritan exclusion that has sometimes been practised among Fas est et ab hoste doceri. These are wise words, of the wisdom drawn from experience. We need not observe, that even under the broad shade of our establishment opinions such as those of Mr. Dewey would of course find no repose; but we recommend this line of thought to those who have long been murmuring in secret, and are now openly clamoring for the dissolution of Church and State, which, if it means anything, must mean the abrogation of our Establishment. These zealots can hardly suppose that they are to unite the perfect independence of selfgovernment with the privileges of a national church; that the Anglican Church is to re yet compelled as in America, and wearied out into mutual toleration! What a wild din of controversy! Poor Charity, where wilt thou find refuge, but in thy native heaven? Sir Charles Lyell is no less at a loss to reconcile the excellent and universal New England system of education with the outbursts of fanaticism, of which the latest, the most ludicrous, and in some respects most deplorable, was what is called the Millerite movement. The leader of this sect, one Miller, taught that the millennium would come to pass on the 23d of October, 1844 -the before our author revisited Bosyear ton. He has many whimsical stories of the proselytes. Some would not reap their harvest; it was mocking of Providence to store up useless grain; some gave their landlord warning that he was to expect no of white robes. A tabernacle was built out more rent. There were shops for the sale of plunder cruelly extorted from simple girls and others, for the accommodation of between two thousand and three thousand, who were to meet, pray, and "go up" at Boston. As the building was only to last a short time, but for the interference of the magistrates, who compelled the erection of walls of more providence-despising solidity, their Last Day might have come to many of these poor people sooner than they expected. But oh the fate of human things! In the winter of 1845 Sir Charles and Lady Lyell saw in this same tabernacle, now turned into a theatre, the profane stage-play of Macbeth, by Mr. and Mrs. Charles Kean, where Hecate's "Now I mount and now I fly," reminded some of the audience of the former use of the building. of their plan of national education. As for the Mormons,' he replied, you must bear in mind that they were largely recruited from the manufacturing districts of England and Wales, and from European emigrants recently arrived. They were drawn chiefly from an illiterate class of the Western States, where society is in its rudest condition. The progress of the Millerites, however, although confined to a fraction of the population, reflects uudoubtedly much discredit on the educational and religious training in New England; but, since the year 1000, when all Chris tendom believed that the world was to come to an end, there have never been wanting interpreters of prophecy, who have confidently assigned some exact date, and one near at hand, for the millennium. Your Faber on the Prophecies, and the writings of Croly, and even some articles in the [query? a] Quarterly Review, helped for a time to keep up this spirit here, and make it fashionable. But the Millerite movement, like the recent exhibition of the Holy Coat at Treves, has done much to open men's minds; and the exertions made of late to check this fanatical movement, have advanced the cause of truth.' Other apologists observed to me, that so long as a part of the population was very ignorant, even the well-educated would occasion ally participate in fanatical movements; 'for religious enthusiasm, being very contagious, resembles a famine-fever, which first attacks those who are starving, but afterwards infects some of the healthiest and best-fed individuals in the whole community.' This explanation, plausible and ingenious as it may appear, is, believe, a fallacy. If they who have gone through school and college, and have been for years in the habit of listening to preachers, become the victims of popular fanaticism, it proves that, however accomplished and learned they may be, their reasoning powers have not been cultivated, their understandings have not been enlarged; they have not been trained in habits of judging and thinking for themselves; in fact, they are ill-educated. Instead of being told that it is their duty carefully to investigate historical evidence for themselves, and to cherish an independent frame of mind, they have probably been brought up to think that a docile, submissive, and child-like deference to the authority of churchmen, is the highest merit of a Christian. They have perhaps heard much about the pride of philosophy, and how all human learning is a snare. In matters connected with religion they have been accustomed blindly to resign themselves to the guidance of others, and hence are prepared to yield themselves up to the influence of any new pretender to superior sanctity, who is a greater enthusiast than themselves."-vol. i. pp. 90-92. Sir Charles Lyell, we see, argues that this is a fallacy. To a certain extent it may be so; but we venture to say that no culture, however careful and general, of the reason, no education, the most intellectual and systematic, will ever absolutely school the What world out of religious fanaticism. was the rank-what had been the education of some of the believers in Mr. Edward cannot live on intellect alone; there are Irving and the unknown tongues? Man other parts of his moral being, his imagination, his feelings, his religious nature, which in certain constitutions, under certain circumstances, will be liable to excess. Where there is life, there will be at times too much blood; where there is not utter torpor, energy in accesses too highstrung and uncontrollable; without religious apathy, there must at times be religious eccentricity. We go further, we cannot wish it otherwise; we think that here, too, we see the divine wismankind to be cultivated to the height of dom and goodness. We would wish all their reason; we would desire that all might be capable of comprehending as familiar things the great truths of philosophy. We have the supreme contempt for those who would limit philosophy in her inquiries by would lose sight of this plain, irrefragable narrow views of religion; who (for example) fact, that where there is one passage in the Old Testament, according to its rigid literal interpretation, which comes into collision with the principles of geology, there are twenty which must be forced out of the meaning which they bore when they were written, before they can be made to agree with the Newtonian astronomy. content, with the archbishop of Canterbury and our geological deans among ourselves, with Dr. Wiseman among Roman Catholics, and with Dr. Pye Smith among the Dissenters, to seek the history of man in the Bible intended for man. We would place geologists, like Sir Charles Lyell, on that serene eminence, where all who are conscious that they seek truth, and truth alone, have a right to take their seat far above the low murmurs of those who, setting the sacred Scriptures and modern science at issue with each other, show their want of profound and sober knowledge of both; we would leave the dean of York to that befitting answer, which we trust he will receive-silence. But this before us is a question entirely different, and to be judged on different principles. We believe that the irregularity of those individuals, or even of those sects of minds, which diverge into folly, into extravagance, into fanaticism, is the price which we pay for those irregularly great minds which are the glories and the benefactors of mankind, the creators, the inventors, the original impellers, in all great We are works and movements in our race-the great | poets, artists, patriots, philanthropists, even philosophers. Our vision of education, we confess, is rather that of Milton, which Sir Charles Lyell, we are inclined to think, has judged (p. 202) more from the report of Johnson, than from actual study of that noble treatise addressed to Master Samuel Hartlib. Science, indeed, finds a place in that all-embracing system, but rather an early and subordinate one; youth are to rise at length, having left "all these things behind," to the height and summit of human wisdom. "When all these employments (not merely natural philosophy, which Milton treats as almost elementary, but even politics, jurisprudence, and theology,) are well conquered, then will those choice histories, heroic poems, and Attic tragedies of stateliest and most royal argument, with all the famous political orations, offer themselves; which, if they were not only read, but some of them got by memory, and solemnly pronounced with right action and grace, as might be taught, would endue them even with the spirit of Demosthenes or Cicero, Euripides or Sophocles."-Of Education, Milton's Prose Works. We have dwelt long enough on these subjects; though there are others of the same class in which we should wish to join issue with Sir Charles; in truth, the whole twelfth chapter, on the higher education in New England, and all the great questions which arise out of that primal controversy, would require a number of our journal to itself. But it would be the greatest injustice to a work, the charm of which is its fertile and ever-changing variety, to give undue prominence to one class of topics. On one kindred point alone we are bound to touch briefly and emphatically, and this in justice to the writer, as regards his estimation among ourselves. Our readers are not to ascribe to Sir Charles Lyell, from his intercourse with the Unitarians of Boston, in private, or his attendance on their religious services, agreement or sympathy with their opinions. That intercourse was almost inevitable. To this community belong almost all the great names in science and in letters, at least, those known in England; their chief preachers are men of great eloquence, and it is their ordinary and avowed system to exclude controversial subjects from their teaching; they dwell on the great truths on which all Christians are agreed; they do not scruple to use, without comment or explanation favorable to their own views, the common phraseology of the Scripture. The unsuspecting reader might indeed peruse almost volumes of Channing's writings without discovering his peculiar opinions. Sir Charles Lyell himself, however, has inserted this significant caution : "But I should mislead my readers if I gave them to understand that they could frequent churches of this denomination without risk of sometimes having their feelings offended by hearing doctrines they have been taught to reverence treated slightingly, or even with contempt. On one occasion, (and it was the only one in my experience,) I was taken, when at Boston, to hear an eminent Unitarian preacher who was prevented by illness from officiating, and his place was supplied by a self-satisfied young man, who, having talked dogmatically on points contested by many a rationalist, made it clear that he commiserated the weak minds of those who adhered to articles of faith rejected by his church. If this too common method of treating theological subjects be ill-calculated to convince or conciliate dissentients, it is equally reprehensible from its tendency to engender, in the minds of those who assent, a Pharisaical feeling of self-gratulation that they are not as other sectarians are."-vol. ii. p. 347. Our difficulty in turning to other topics is to know where to pause for discussion. We cannot, however, refrain from submitting to our readers' consideration the strong good sense with which he exposes one of the great one of the inevitable dangers, as well as tions which virtually rest the whole power of abuses of republican institutions-of instituthe State in a complete democracy-that wealth." It is a wise lesson on the jealous which he aptly calls the "ostracism of impatience of a democracy as to trusting the least power out of their own hands; on their suspicion of the only true and legitimate guaranties for public order, and for a wise judgment on the public welfare—we mean property and distinction, either political or intellectual on their overweening confidence in their own wisdom and knowledge. It strikingly displays their fear of subservience to those above them, which almost always betrays them into far more degrading subservience to those below them, needy and noisy demagogues. We are sorry not to quote the whole of a very instructive conversation between Sir Charles and a leading lawyer of Massachusetts. This gentleman said, inter alia— the State Legislatures, or in Congress, receives a "Every one of our representatives, whether in certain sum daily when on duty, besides more than enough travelling money for carrying him to his post and home again. In choosing a delegate, therefore, the people consider themselves as pat-, 66 Sir C. Lyell adds: During my subsequent stay in New England I often conversed with men of the working classes on the same subject, and invariably found that they had made up their mind that it was not desirable to choose representatives from the wealthiest class. The rich,' they say, have less sympathy with our opinions and feelings; love their amusements, and go shooting, fishing, and travelling; keep hospitable houses, and are inaccessible when we want to talk with them, at all hours, and tell them how we wish them to vote.' I once asked a party of New England tradesmen whether, if Mr. B., already an eminent public man, came into a large fortune through his wife, as might soon be expected, he would stand a worse chance than before of being sent to Congress. The question gave rise to a discussion among themselves, and at last they assured me that they did not think his accession to a fortune would do him any harm. It clearly never struck them as possible that it could do him any good, or aid his chance of suc cess. "The chief motive, I apprehend, of preferring a poorer candidate, is the desire of reducing the members of their legislature to mere delegates. A rich man would be apt to have an opinion of his own, to be unwilling to make a sacrifice of his free agency; he would not always identify him self with the majority of his electors, condescend to become, like the wires of the electric telegraph, a mere piece of machinery for conveying to the capital of his State, or to Washington, the behests of the multitude. That there is, besides, a vulgar jealousy of superior wealth, especially in the less educated districts and newer States, I satisfied myself in the course of my tour; but in regard to envy, we must also bear in mind, on the other hand, that they who elevate to distinction one of their own class in society, have sometimes to achieve a greater victory over that passion than when they confer the same favor on one who occupies already, by virtue of great riches, a higher position."-vol. i. pp. 97-99. America, like some of the old Greek republics, will need a law to compel her best men to take a part in her affairs. engage in the strife of elections perpetually going on, and in which they expose themselves to much calumny and accusations, which, however unfounded, are professionally injurious to them. The richer citizens, who might be more independent of such attacks, love their ease or their books, and from indolence often abandon the field to the more ignorant; but I met with many optimists who declared that whenever the country is threatened with any great danger or disgrace, there is a right-minded majority whose energies can be roused effectively into action. Nevertheless, the sacrifices required on such occasions to work upon the popular mind are so great that the field is in danger of being left open on all ordinary occasions to the demagogue."-vol. i. p. 101. of this serious evil-its actual workings on The second volume gives the comic side the verge of civilized society: "I heard many anecdotes, when associating with small proprietors in Alabama, which convinced me that envy has a much ranker growth among the aristocratic democracy of a newly settled slave State than in any part of New England which I visited. I can scarcely conceive the ostracism of wealth or superior attainments being carried farther. Let a gentleman who has made a fortune at the har, in Mobile or elsewhere, settle in some retired part of the newly cleared country, his fences are pulled down, and his cattle left to stray in the woods, and various depredations committed, not by thieves, for none of his property is carried away, but by neighbors who, knowing nothing of him personally, have a vulgar jealousy of his riches, and take for granted that his pride must be great in proportion. In a recent election for Clarke county, the popular candidate admitted the upright character and high qualifications of his opponent, an old friend of his own, and simply dwelt on his riches as a sufficient ground for distrust. 'A rich man,' he said, 'cannot sympathize with the poor. Even the anecdotes I heard, which may have been mere inventions, convinced me how intense was this feeling. One, who had for some time held a seat in the legislature, finding himself in a new canvass deserted by many of his former supporters, observed that he had always voted strictly according to his instructions. Do you think,' answered a former partisan, 'that they would vote for you after your daughter came to the ball in them fixings?' His daughter, in fact, having been at Mobile, had had a dress made there with flounces according to the newest Parisian fashion, and she had thus sided, as it were, with the aristocracy of the city, setting it"The great evil of universal suffrage is the ir-self up above the democracy of the pine-woods. resistible temptation it affords to a needy set of adventurers to make politics a trade, and to devote all their time to agitation, electioneering, and flattering the passions of the multitude. The natural aristocracy of a republic consists of the most eminent men in the liberal professions-lawyers, divines, and physicians of note, merchants in extensive business, literary and scientific men of celebrity; and men of all these classes are apt to set too high a value on their time to be willing to In the new settlements, there the small proprietors, or farmers, are keenly jealous of thriving lawyers, merchants, and capitalists. One of the candidates for a county in Alabama confessed to me that he had thought it good policy to go everywhere on foot when soliciting votes, though he could have commanded a horse, and the distances were great. That the young lady whose "fixings" I have alluded to had been ambitiously in the fashion I make no doubt; for my wife found that the cost of making up a dress at Mobile was twenty dollars, or four times the ordinary London price! The material costs about the same as in London or Paris. At New Orleans the charge for making a gown is equally high.”—vol. ii. pp. 69-71. From Boston we are tempted, indeed are tempted, indeed compelled by our limited space, to make as it were a wide leap to the farthest south: we are curious to place in their striking opposition the two extremes of American scenery, society, and civilization; the height of European culture with the most thoroughly American wildness, and, we must not say lawlessness, but that state where every small community of men is a law unto itself. We pass over at once the author's visits to New York, Philadelphia, Washington, Richmond in Virginia, Wilmington in North Carolina, Charleston, Savannah, Darien. We must decline of necessity much curious philosophical disquisition. We have a discussion of some length, and to us extremely satisfactory, arising out of the exhibition in Boston of that "colossal and terrible reptile the sea-serpent, which when alive measured thirty feet in cir cumference the leviathan of the Book of Job!" There is nothing equal to the cool cruelty of men of science. Not only did Professor Owen ascertain that all which of right belonged to this monster was the remains of a vast zeuglodon, but it was likewise discovered that more than one reptile had contributed his vertebræ to this pic-nic giant, who was supposed to have lain floating many a rood in the swamps of Alabama; moreover, its whole serpentine form was due to the ingenuity and skillful arrangement of the proprietor. On the whole "sea-serpent" question Sir Charles offers what appears to us an extremely probable and consistent theory, very rigidly reasoned out, from the various appearances dignified with that awful name. Sir Charles Lyell's conclusion, a conclusion which, even if we could follow it out at greater length, would be unintelligible without his engrav * A friend of the highest authority on scientific matters says, "The sea serpent now in London is a fish, known to ichthyology for about a century, described by Black and Yarrell under the name of Gymnetrus Hawkenii, and rarely captured by reason of its being a deep-sea fish, and therefore not taking a bait, or getting in the way of nets; the last species to figure as the surface-swimming python, for its gills are so constructed that it dies very soon after they are exposed to the air." Some poor Germans, we hear, exhibit next door a most beautiful model of Cologne as the architect intended it to be-alas! will it now ever be? They bitterly complain that more people went in one day to see "de nasty stinking fisch, than to their model in a month." | ings, is that, wherever there has been a true sea monster-and some of the relations appear of undoubted veracity-it has been a variety of the "basking shark." We would call especial attention to an extract from Campbell's Life, as showing the value of unsifted contemporaneous testimony. We have besides many pages of lively description of scenery, which of course Sir Charles beholds rather with the keen and close observation of a naturalist than with the vague and brilliant sight of the painter. We have a great many very amusing facts in natural history. We have much about Irish quarters in the great towns; Irish votes, and, we regret to say, indelible Irish hatred of England. We have a debate in Congress, with one specimen of eloquence which we cannot pass over: "It would be impossible to burlesque or caricature the ambitious style of certain members of Congress, especially some who have risen from humble stations, and whose schooling has been in the backwoods. A grave report, drawn up in the present session by the member for Illinois, as chairman of a post-office committee, may serve as an public as the infant Hercules,' and the extension example. After speaking of the American Reof their imperial dominion over the northern continent and oriental seas,' he exclaims: The destiny of our nation has now become revealed, and great events, quickening in the womb of time, reflect their clearly defined shadows into our very repel ambrosial gifts like these, or sacrilegiously eye-balls. Oh, why does a cold generation frigidly hesitate to embrace their glowing and resplendent fate? Must this backward pull of the government never cease, and the nation tug forever beneath a dead weight, which trips its heels at every stride ?'” vol. i. p. 263. the Supreme Court before judges, only one We have Mr. Webster pleading before of whom, such has been the ascendancy of the democratic party, had been nominated by the Whigs. But we hasten south wards. Be it remembered that the author is conveyed along all this wide and desultory route from city to city, with occasional divergences for geological purposes, by steamvessel and railroad. He travels with perfect ease, at no great cost, from northern Boston to Savannah and Darien in Georgia, to Macon and Milledgeville in Alabama. We cannot show the change better than by the following extracts: "When I got to Macon, my attention was forcibly called to the newness of things by my friend's pointing out to me the ground where |