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and particular acquaintance with the circumstances of the country.

Against my success, I hear it is urged that I have a brother already in the council. This is true; but can any solid reason be assigned, why this friendly connexion should banish virtue and morality from the breasts of brothers? or does it follow, of course, that those thus allied, should, to promote any views they may be supposed to have, unite to injure their country, and so found their brotherly union on the destruction of honour, duty, and public good? For my part, I think the objection does not hold in theory; and, exclusive of the many historic proofs that might be adduced to confute it, we have a familiar experience here, of two brothers having long sat together in the council, to the honour of his majesty, and to the interests of the colony.

To whom, my dear sir, can you apply with so much effect, as to your noble friend Lord Halifax, since a word from him would accomplish the object; and then the honour of the appointment would be enhanced, by its being the direction of a person so universally admired for the honesty of his heart and the ability of his head. I know you will excuse the length of this letter. With great sincerity, I assure you of the unabated esteem of your affectionate friend,

TO THOMAS CUMMINGS, Esq. in London.

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

In another letter, on the same subject, he again contests the force of the objection to his appointment, that his brother was a member. He happily diversifies the argument, and exhibits a mind rich in sentiment. "I hear (he writes) it is objected to me that I have a brother already in the council. It is very true, I have; but candidly considered, how unimportant is this objection, nay, how invidious is it, since the only force it can possibly have, must be derived from a previously established want of virtue in the brothers, which may lead them to coalesce in schemes destructive of their country. For if

honesty mark their character, no leagues of vice will ever be entered on, and an union in virtue can never be improper. But a vicious person should never be preferred, whatever may be his relation to, or disunion with the rest of his companions in office. If this strange objection should be urged, how easily could your genius and penetration thoroughly overcome it," &c.

CHAPTER II.

It has been stated that Mr. Lee, at an early period of his life, was elected a member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia; and that probably, more than one session passed, without any participation, on his part, in the debates. The natural diffidence of his character was increased by the respect and deference he entertained, for men of ability and experience, and the House of Burgesses, at this time, contained many men of this description. The first speech of Mr. Lee, as far as can be ascertained, was on a motion "to lay so heavy a duty on the importation of slaves, as effectually to put an end to that iniquitous and disgraceful traffic within the colony of Virginia." The lively interest which he felt in the success of the motion, incited him to exert all his powers in its support. The timidity, however, with which he took part in the debate, may be perceived from the brevity and care with which he prepared his speech. Although short, it will be seen that it contains the germ of every sound argument, which has been since unfolded, against the immoral character, the practical barbarities, and the political consequences of the slave trade. How different would have been the actual condition and the prospects of Virginia, had his arguments prevailed, and the policy which he recommended been adopted and enforced.

"Sir, as the consequences of the determination we must make in the subject of this day's debate will greatly affect posterity, as well as ourselves, it surely merits our most serious attention. And well am I persuaded, sir, that if it be so considered, it will appear, both from reason and experience, that the importation of slaves into this colony has been, and will be attended with effects,

VOL. L-C

dangerous, both to our political and moral interests. When it is observed that some of our neighbouring colonies, though much later than ourselves in point of settlement, are now far before us in improvement, to what, sir, can we attribute this strange, this unhappy truth? The reason seems to be this: that with their whites they import arts and agriculture, whilst we, with our blacks, exclude both. Nature has not partially favoured them with superiour fertility of soil, nor do they enjoy more of the sun's cheering and enlivening influence; yet greatly have they outstript us.

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Were not this sufficient, sir, let us reflect on our dangerous vicinity to a powerful neighbour, and that slaves, from the nature of their situation, can never feel an interest in our cause, because they see us enjoying every privilege and luxury, and find security established, not for them, but for others, and because they observe their masters possessed of liberty which is denied to them, whilst they and their posterity are subjected for ever to the most abject and mortifying slavery. Such a people must be natural enemies to society, and their increase consequently dangerous.

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"This reasoning we find verified in the Grecian and Roman histories, where some of the greatest convulsions recorded, were occasioned by the insurrections of their slaves; insomuch, says a Roman historian, that Sicily was more cruelly laid waste by the war with the slaves, than by that with the Carthagenians. This slavish policy still continuing at Rome, at length increased their slaves to such a prodigious number, as obliged the Romans to make laws for their government so severe, that the bare relation of them is shocking to human

nature.

"Nor, sir, are these the only reasons to be urged against the importation. In my opinion, not the cruelties practised in the conquest of Spanish America, not the savage barbarity of a Saracen, can be more big with atrocity, than our cruel trade to Africa. There we encourage those poor, ignorant people, to wage eternal war

against each other; not nation against nation, but father against son, children against parents, and brothers against brothers, whereby parental, filial, and fraternal duty is terribly violated; that by war, stealth, or surprise, we Christians may be furnished with our fellow-creatures, who are no longer to be considered as created in the image of God as well as ourselves, and equally entitled to liberty and freedom by the great law of nature, but they are to be deprived, for ever deprived, of all the comforts of life, and to be made the most wretched of the human kind. I have seen it observed by a great writer, that Christianity, by introducing into Europe the truest principles of humanity, universal benevolence, and brotherly love, had happily abolished civil slavery. Let us, who profess the same religion, practise its precepts; and by agreeing to this duty, convince the worid that we know and practise our true interests, and that we pay a proper regard to the dictates of justice and humanity!"

This speech gained for Mr. Lee some applause; but it did not procure for him that decided reputation and popularity, which he soon afterwards enjoyed. An occasion at length occurred, which related more immediately to the politics of the house, and on which the feelings of a brother had been, as Mr. Lee thought, unjustifiably wounded. Affection for his brother, and indignation at the unworthy conduct and unfair treatment which he had received, fired Mr. Lee; 2nd calling forth, into vigorous exercise, the latent powers of his intellect, discovered to his fellow citizens. inexhaustible sources of a rich, brilliant and energetic eloquence.

To enable the reader to catch something of the spirit of the transaction about to be recorded, a short account of the parties of that time, may be necessary. Two parties divided the House of Burgesses. These were strongly marked; and the spirit of their politics was widely different. Although they could not be correctly called "whig and tory," they might be termed aristocratic and republican. The society of Virginia was then generally and obviously divided into two classes; the one

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