spirit, must be the constant endeavour of every patriot, si patriæ volumus, si nobis vivere cari.

The Rockingham party have refused to take the lead in obtaining the repeal of the duty acts. The merchants are very averse to present any petition to Parliament for that purpose, because it is disagreeable to the ministry. Possibly they may be stirred up, before the holydays are over. They do not yet feel enough. My Lord Shelburne and his adherents, are the wisest and soundest supporters of America; but I doubt, whether they will be willing to take the lead. In a few days I go to Lord Shelburne's country seat, by express invitation, to spend some time; while there, I hope to animate him to a more vigorous advocation of our cause.

The House of Lords have passed several resolves, very violent against all the proceedings at Boston, and voted an address to his majesty, against the treasonable practices suspected there, and to bring the authors of them over here, for trial. The justice of this, they found on a statute of Henry Seventh, which by a resolve of the house, they extend to America. I will not anticipate your reflections on this proceeding. They were sent down to the Commons, and their concurrence desired; but they have deferred the consideration of them, until after the holydays. To pave the way for these measures, a very partial presentment of papers was made to the house, by the ministry; all the incendiary letters of Governor Bernard, with the most trifling occurrences of the " sons of liberty," down to their drinking the health of Paoli and the Corsicans; but the paragon of impudence, and malevolence was, à letter from the commissioners at Boston, full of misrepresentations and invective. Nothing was read on the other side, but the Boston petition; and this will be, forever, the treatment of Americans here; from whence, therefore, they are to expect neither justice nor favour.

The public liberty here, has gained a signal victory over court despotism, in the election, of Sergeant Glynn, Wilkes' friend and advocate, for this county, against all

the influence of Beauchamp Proctor, with an hired mob, bribery and ministerial influence. The party of Mr. Wilkes, is strong in the House of Commons. His having published the letter you will receive with this, prefaced by some strong animadversions, on the detestable intention of its authors, has increased the hatred of the ministry to absolute rage; in consequence of which, they procured a vote in the House of Lords, branding it as a seditious and inflammatory libel, with a conference to invite the concurrence of the Commons, but this they could not obtain, and therefore, they adjourned the question until after the holydays, when it will be abandoned. Then, too, a petition he has presented, praying to be permitted to prosecute Phllip Carteret Webb, guilty of bribery and perjury, with the public money, and to have the Lords Sandwich and March examined, touching the matter, is ordered to be heard. The Commons sent a message to the Lords, desiring that those Peers might attend in their house, which was voted a breach of privilege. The conference was held, but the Commons were firm, and the two lords were permitted to attend.

I have dined with Wilkes, in the King's Bench. He speaks very warmly of America, and highly applauds their proceedings. The Farmer's Letters are much read here, but to little purpose, though universally admired, and no answer attempted: They continue of the same opinion, without a single reason for it, and continue in obstinacy, what they began in ignorance. Lord Hillsborough told me, he was both greatly pleased and informed by them, but he wished Mr. Dickinson had accommodated his reasoning to the necessity of a supreme power. I observed, that Mr. Locke had executed that with great perspicuity. This lord is affable and plausible, has a routine of argument which he uses to every one, and on all occasions, without giving time for an answer. He appears to me to be extremely shallow, and he is detested in Ireland, for his arbitrary principles.

I send you with this, a number of the North Briton,

containing Wilkes' letter, the Public Advertiser, and two pamphlets concerning America.

I have written only two pieces published in the Gazetteer, giving an account of the proceedings at Boston, with some remarks on them. One of them is reprinted in the Gentlemen's Magazine for November. I am meditating two pamphlets, under the titles of an Address to the Merchants, and a Summary of the Arguments on both sides of the American Question. Whether I shall finish them I cannot determine. The load of prejudice seems almost immoveable, and pours despair, on all our attempts to bring this country, to reason.

My best love attend you all-my cordial good wishes await the friends of liberty, and their transactions. Once more let me remind you, that no confidence is to be reposed, in the justice or mercy of Great Britain; and that American liberty, must be entirely of American fabric. Adieu, my dear brother,

ARTHUR LEE.”*

In the year 1768, it had become evident to every person, even of ordinary sagacity, that a struggle for colonial liberty must take place. The idea was terrible, to the greater part of the people. The stoutest hearts were agitated by the anticipation. It was not so with Mr. Lee. He, even then, believed, that the colonies would be able, if united, to maintain, at least, a long and honourable effort for liberty; and that the policy of France especially, and of other European nations, would lead them to succour them. To produce unanimity so necessary to success, was the great object, which engaged, from this time, his unceasing efforts, and unwearied reflections. His biographer thinks, he can assert with the greatest truth, that Mr. Lee was the first person, who suggested the idea of corresponding committees to be organized by the legislatures of the colo

* See further on these subjects, in his correspondence in the years '68 and '69, in Appendix, No. 1.

nies; and of corresponding clubs or societies among "the lovers of liberty, in the several states," for the purpose of informing the people, on the subject of their constitutional rights, and of giving them the earliest information of their violation; and of urging them to a timely and united resistance. His object, from this time, was independence. All the schemes, he henceforth suggested, all the measures he advised, contemplated much more than a mere redress of grievances. It has been seen that as far back as the year '64, he had hinted the idea, that "this step of the mother country, (the declaratory act of Grenville,) which was the first attack on our rights, and the fruitful parent of all the rest, though intended to oppress, and keep us low, in order to secure our dependence may be subversive of that end." The possibility, of which he spoke, appeared to him, to be rapidly approaching to a probability, that an early and judicious understanding should exist be tween the legislatures, and also, between the most influential men in the colonies, seemed an object of great importance; indeed, this appeared to him, the only effectual mode of producing united action, and consentaneous sentiment.

In 1773, the House of Burgesses of Virginia, about the same time with the Massachusetts Assembly, adopted the idea, and carried it into effect, by appointing a standing committee of six persons, "whose business it shall be, to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the British Parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to, or affect the British colonies in America; and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with our sister colonies, respecting those important considerations, and the result of their proceedings, from time to time, to lay before this house." Mr. Lee was one of this committee. The motion for its appointment, was made by Dabney Carr, Esq., a young gentleman of great promise, whose speech, on the occasion, evinced superior talents, and ardent patriotism. This mea

sure, it has been said by historians of Britain and America, was the most efficient means of opposition, which had yet been devised to direct the energies of the people, and to produce that firm union which finally secured American liberty. Ample praise has been given to the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Virginia, for having been the first to appoint corresponding committees. From the honour due to them as collective bodies, the author would not detract. But, for the sagacity of Richard Henry Lee, may be claimed the merit of having first suggested this measure, and of having formed private corresponding societies among the leading men of the several colonies, four or five years, before the plan was thus publicly adopted. General Gadsden, of South Carolina, a few years before his death, remarked, while addressing an assemblage of citizens on the fourth of July, that Richard Henry Lee had invited him, to become a member of a private corresponding society as early as the year '68, which, Mr. Lee informed him, he was endeavouring to establish, between the influential men in the colonies. He stated, that Mr. Lee described his object to be, to obtain a mutual pledge from the members, to write for the public journals or papers, of their respective colonies, and converse with, and inform the people, on the subject of their rights, and their wrongs, and upon all seasonable occasions, to impress upon their minds, the necessity of a struggle with Great Britain, for the ultimate establishment of independence.

In support of the honour here claimed for Mr. Lee, as being the original devisor of corresponding committees between the colonial assemblies and of private corresponding clubs, as early as the year '68, the following letter, taken from the original copy in Mr. Lee's handwriting, is presented to the reader. It was addressed to Mr. Dickinson. In it, Mr. Lee invites him, to commence a correspondence with him, and proposes the consideration of the expediency and importance of establishing corresponding committees between the several