is one of equal rank and importance with that which he before. held; and, admitting it to be one less agreeable to him, I think the sacrifice was one he might fairly be asked to make for the benefit of the public and of the Administration in which he was about to take part. .—Believe me, yours very truly, Lord John replied GREY. CHESHAM PLACE: December 21, 1845. MY DEAR HOWICK,—I am very sorry for what has occurred. I am more particularly sorry that you did not mention to me on Monday your insuperable objection to Palmerston's holding the seals of the Foreign Department. In that case, I should not have asked you to come to my house again. For the general words you used never conveyed to my mind the impression that you objected to Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. I gave way to no personal preference in proposing that office to him. I think he is the person in the United Kingdom best fitted for that department. No doubt impressions, the result of unjust aspersions, deserve some consideration, but not to the extent of excluding a person against his will from the office for which he is fitted, and which alone he is willing to accept. I trust we shall always continue private friends, whatever may happen in political affairs.—I remain, yours truly, J. RUSSELL. Lord John's first feeling was one of relief. He wrote to his wife on the 20th I write to you with a great sense of relief on public affairs. Lord Grey's objection to sitting in a Cabinet in which Palmerston was to have the Foreign Office was invincible. I could not make a Cabinet without Lord Grey, and I have, therefore, been to Windsor this morning to resign my hard task. The Queen, as usual, was very gracious, and was angry with Lord Grey for his determination; she was, in short, convinced that I was right in wishing to retain Palmerston at the Foreign Office. I have left a paper with her in which I state that we were prepared to advise free trade in corn without gradation and without delay; but that I would support Sir Robert Peel in any measure which he should think more practicable. On the same day he wrote to his father-in-law DEAR LORD MINTO,-I hope to be at Minto on Tuesday next, having happily failed in forming a Ministry. I think it was right to try; and I am not to blame for the failure. I shall support Palmerston, who is so unjustly accused of wishing for war, and who has always behaved so gallantly and so well.-Ever yours, J. RUSSELL. But, though Lord John felt relief at his escape, he resented bitterly Lord Grey's conduct. He wrote to Lady John on the 21st Howick is so much to blame that I am resolved never to act with him in public again. Only think of his advising us to accept office on Tuesday and Thursday, and making his objection on Friday. But the whole affair will, I fear, prove ridiculous. Strongly, however, as he felt, he had the generosity to suppress all reference to Lord Grey in the official account which he gave the Queen of his failure. CHESHAM PLACE: December 20, 1845. Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he has found it impossible to form an Administration. Lord John Russell was aware, from the first moment when your Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that there were very great difficulties in the way, which it required the most cordial co-operation on the part of his friends, and the firm support of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to surmount. Lord John Russell has had solely in view the settlement of the question of the Corn Laws by which the country is so much agitated. Those who have served your Majesty and your royal predecessor in Cabinet offices during the Administrations of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, who were now in political connection with Lord John Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed on the principles by which they would be guided in framing a measure for the repeal of the Corn Laws. Thus one great difficulty was surmounted. But, as the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a minority in both Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel, VOL. I. 2 E Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed on this subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to diminish the difficulties in the course of a new Government prepared to attempt the settlement of the Corn Laws. But Sir Robert Peel could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous or otherwise. In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of Commons it was absolutely necessary that all those who were prominent in the political party to which Lord J. Russell is attached should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new Administration. Lord John Russell has in one instance been unable to obtain this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless which has been from the beginning hazardous. Lord John Russell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused by the present state of public affairs. He will be ready, therefore, to do all in his power as a member of Parliament to promote the settlement of that question which in present circumstances is the source of so much danger, especially to the welfare and the peace of Ireland. Lord John Russell would have formed his Ministry on the basis of a complete free trade in corn, to be established at once without gradation or delay, he would have accompanied that proposal with measures of relief to a considerable extent of the occupiers of land from the burdens to which they are subjected; but he will be little disposed to insist as a member of Parliament on what may seem to your Majesty's advisers an impracticable course. The country requires above all things a peaceable settlement of a question which, if not so settled, may in an adverse state of affairs cause a fearful convulsion. But Lord John's generosity did not stop at this point. The gravamen of his charge against Lord Grey was that Lord Grey had waited till the Friday, or till after the formation of a Whig Government had been decided on, to raise an objection which ought to have been stated on the previous Monday, before Lord John had resolved on making the attempt. But Lord Grey's brother-in-law, Mr. Wood, pointed out to Lord John that, if this point were stated, Lord Grey must necessarily make the best defence in his power; and an altercation must ensue which, whatever else came of it, could neither lead to peace nor to the welfare of the party. Lord John, sore as he was at the treatment which he had experienced, gave way, and deliberately omitted from his public explanation in Parliament what he himself considered the strongest feature in his whole case. What Mr. Wood thought of this generosity will be seen from the following letter: 13 WILTON STREET: Friday morning. MY DEAR LORD JOHN,-I must, after a night's consideration, deliberately thank you most sincerely for the manner in which you made your explanation last night. It was above any praise I can give it; but what I most feel is the kind and considerate tone towards Howick, He feels it too very sincerely, and expressed himself very strongly when we got home. It is, however, impossible fairly to appreciate your conduct without knowing what you felt as to abstaining from alluding to the late period of the objection. I think it is due to you that Howick should know that; and hope, therefore, you will not think that I have improperly violated your confidence in having sent to him this morning the copy of one short sentence of your letter to me, to the effect that not alluding to the late period of the objection was taking blame upon yourself which you felt that you did not deserve. This risk you have taken upon yourself, and it is not the less kind because I think it the wisest and best course as well as the most considerate. It is miserably wrong, as well as a public misfortune, that a cloud should have intervened between two men with such great and high qualities; holding the same principles, and aiming at the same great objects; but I will not despair of their acting so far together as essentially to further the great public ends which both have in view. Believe me, yours very sincerely, CHARLES WOOD. CHAPTER XVI. PRIME MINISTER. THERE is very little use in discussing the propriety of Lord John's decision in December 1845, in inquiring whether he might have reconciled the conflicting claims of Lord Palmerston and Lord Grey, or whether he might have succeeded in maintaining his position and carrying free trade in corn without the assistance of one or both of these statesmen. His refusal to make the attempt compelled the Queen to recall Sir Robert Peel to her counsels. Sir Robert succeeded in resuscitating his old Ministry, and in introducing the great measure of Free Trade, which some men still regard as the chief glory, and others as the chief reproach, of his career. The protracted discussions, however, which took place on the Minister's proposals have much closer reference to the lives of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Disraeli than to the career of Lord John Russell. Lord John, on his part, loyally redeemed the pledge which he had given the Queen to support the proposal of the Ministry, and his speeches on the subject are devoid of any particular interest. They were marked, however, by his usual ability. Writing to Lady John on February 10, Mr. Rutherford said— You should be very proud of your lord to-day. He has made an admirable speech-to my mind one of the best I ever heard. The Speaker told me last night that he never heard anything more statesmanlike. And many other letters containing similar praise cheered Lady John during her forced absence in Edinburgh. Free Trade constituted only one of the difficulties which beset Sir Robert Peel. The state of Ireland, and the relations |