stated, that it was reasonable that the payment of the physicians and certain other expences should be borne out of the privy purse. How then could it be infamous in this Parliament to do that which the late one had thought reasonable? It was not known, he believed, rather, that the reverse was the fact, that his Majesty had made any testamentary document by which to direct the future application of his property; and if so, the consequence would be, that it would devolve to the Crown; and were the House, he asked, to be called on, in the present state of the Country, to add to the burdens of the people, in order to secure a large sum to the successor to the throne? (Cheers from the Opposition.) Did the House recollect that the privy purse of his Majesty was not the only one which the Country had to pay? There were at present two privy purses, and the savings from both were to become the property of the Crown. He then begged the House to recollect that the eyes of the Country were upon them. It expected from them a saving of 10,000/.; and let them not be afraid of the infamy which was threatened to the supporters of the amendment.

Let

them but do their duty-vote for the saving the country would stand by them, and where the charge of infamy would afterwards fall, let others find out. He reminded the House of the unpleasant situation in which Ministers had recently placed the junior branches of the Royal Family, by demanding establishments which the country could not afford. Though the sum at present in dispute was small, the question which it involved was one of the utmost importance: it was connected closely with the constitutional law of the Country, and it came home to the most powerful feelings of a people, who, while labouring under their burdens, were insulted by such expressions as those to which the Noble Lord had resorted. He concluded with moving an amendment, "That the surplus out of the Funds arising to his Majesty from the Duchy of Lancaster, and the 60.0001. which was allowed for the privy purse, after the payment of the physicians, and other incidental expences, be applied to the pay ment of the 10,000, to be given to his Royal Highness the Duke of York as the custos of his Majesty's person."

In the sequel of the discussion, which did not terminate till one o'clock in the morning, the amendment was supported by Mr. Bankes, Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Hume, Mr. Mansfield, Mr. T. Wilson, and Mr. Scarlett; and opposed by Mr. Peel, Mr. Wilmot, Mr. Martin (of Galway), Mr. Huskisson, Lord Compton, Mr. H. Davis, the Attorney and Solicitor General, and Mr. S. Wortley. On a division, the original motion was

Sir Robert Wilson presented a petition from Thomas William Grady, clerk of the peace, against the Hon. William Windham Quin, member for the county of Limerick. He (Sir Robert Wilson) was instructed to say, that the petitioner was perfectly prepared to prosecute the inquiry, and that the documents referred to could all be produced before the House or a Committee.

Mr. Windham Quin then stated, with much energy, that the charges in the petition were malicious and ungrounded. His removal of Mr. Grady had nothing to do with politics.-It was true that the petitioner had held the situation of clerk of the peace for the county of Limerick for 15 years. But would the House believe that he was now only three and twenty years of age, aud consequently that he must have been appointed when he was about seven or eight years old! The pe titioner never exercised a single function of his office. In appointing a successor to the petitioner, he did select a gentleman who could discharge, and who does discharge, the duties of that office, (hear, hear!) Mr. Quin then produced a letter, supposed to be addressed by the father of the petitioner to himself, in which he was threatened with having bis conduct represented in Parliament, unless he restored his son to his office, and confirmed him in it for life. This letter being prov ed to be the hand-writing of Mr. Grady, sen, he was ordered to be taken into custody and committed to Newgate, for a breach of the privileges of the House.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 25.

Lord Sidmouth called the attention of their Lordships to the papers recently laid on the table relative to the state of the gaols, prisons, and crimes. It was gratifying, he said, to find that there had been a decrease of crimes last year. The increase of crimes of late years was to be ascribed to the circumstances of the Country. It was an object worthy of their Lordships enquiry, to discover the means of diminish

ing the number of crimes. The state of the criminal law would also require their attention. Some thought it to be too sanguinary; others thought the evil lay in its being administered with too much lenity. It was to be regretted, that transportation had lost much of its terrors. The regulations adopted, of late years, with regard to the hulks, had proved highly beneficial. Whatever alterations might be made in the system of prison discipline, care ought to be taken that culprits, however improved in their minds and morals, should, on their liberation, carry with them the recollection, that gaols were places of punishment. His Lordship concluded with moving for a select Committee to consider of the returns on the table, and report thereon.

The Marquis of Lansdown thought the field opened by the Noble Lord for the If Committee now proposed too wide. they were to go into the consideration of the criminal law, there were about 750 Acts which they would have to examine.

Lord Kenyon then moved for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the state and condition of children employed in the cotton manufactories, and to report thereon to the House.

The Lord Chancellor said the overworking of children was indictable at common law; and he saw no reason why the master cotton manufacturers and the master chimney-sweepers should have principles applied to them different from those applied to other trades.

Lords Rosslyn, Grosvenor, and Lauderdale argued against all interference with the principle of free labour.

The Bishop of Chester, Lord Liverpool, and Lord Holland, contended that it was absurd to talk of the poor children in question as free labourers, and that by adopting some measure for relief, their Lordships would merely endeavour to make that effectual by provision, which was now ineffectual for the want of provision.

The Noble Lord's motion was agreed to.

In the Commons, the same day, the Report on the Windsor Establishment was brought up and read; but on the third resolution, for granting 10,000l. annually to the Duke of York, for the care of his Majesty's person, being put, the discussion on the subject was renewed. It was, however, without much interest, except in the result. The opposition was not as to the fund from whence the money should be taken, but the grant of the sum itself. The principal speakers against the Resolution were Messr, Denman, Curwen, Bernal, Williams, Tierney, Lords Carhampton and Ebrington-in support of it Messrs. Robinson, Canning, Long Wellesley, Ba

Lord Castlereagh, with a view of anticipating and rendering unnecessary a motion of which Sir James Mackintosh had given notice, moved, "that a Select Committee be appointed to enquire into the state and description of gaols, and other places of confinement, and into the best method of providing for the reformation, as well as the safe custody and punishment of offenders."

Sir James Mackintosh remarked, that when the time arrived, he should then endeavour to convince the House that there was ground for instituting an inquiry-a separate inquiry-into a part of the cri- minal law.

Messrs. Bennet, Buxton, Wynn, Lawson, and Alderman Wood, made a few observations. The motion was agreed to, and a Committee appointed.

Mr. Callaghan observed that a statement had gone forth that the Bank had nat rowed their discounts, and moved for an account of the Bauk issues from the 25th of January last.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to the motion. He assured the House, that the issues of the Bank of England, instead of being reduced, stood higher than they did before the 25th of January last. As to the Report of the Committee on the affairs of the Bank, it was, under every consideration, most desirable that it should be deferred until the Committee were enabled to make a wellconsidered and judicious one. He had every expectation that the public would recover speedily from the unfounded aların that had prevailed, and trust to the wisdom of the Committee and the House against the adoption of any rash measure.

Mr. Manning said, there was not the smallest intention on the part of the Bank to starve the circulation of the country, and whenever the House came to a decision on the Report, it would be their duty to bow to it. The amount of discounts was now twenty-five millions, about 200,000l. more than what it was in December last.

HOUSE

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 2. The Earl of Liverpool, after dilating upon the successes which had attended the British arms in India, and eulogizing the councils which had planned, and the talent which had carried those plans into execution, moved the Thanks of the House to the Marquis of Hastings, and the Generals and Officers employed under him.

The Marquis of Lansdown moved, as an addition to the votes, that the House gave no opinion respecting the execution of the Killedar of Talneir, by order of Sir T. Hislop; but the Noble Marquis agreed to withdraw it upon its being stated, that in structions had been sent out to make strict inquiry into the affair.

In the Commons, the same day, Sir James Mackintosh, in moving for a revision of the criminal law, introduced the subject by a speech worthy of his reputation for talents and professional learning. He justified the course which he proposed by prece. dents in the history of Parliament upon this identical subject-by the authority of the best and wisest statesmen and lawyers at different periods-by the relative effects of crime and punishment at present-by the petitions of magistrates, who administered the law-juries who tried the offenders -individuals, and even classes of the community most interested in the prevention of crime-all imploring the Legislature to revise the actual state of our criminal jurisprudence. His object, he stated, was to remove the pernicious anomaly of having one law in theory on the statutebook, and another in practice for the same offence; the frightful disproportion hetween punishment and crime, and the shocking growth of depravity. He pronounced in the course of his speech, a just and feeling eulogy upon the late Sir Samuel Romilly, which was listened to with deep emotion. The honourable Member concluded with moving for the appointment of a Committee to consider that part of our penal laws which relates to the punishment of death. (Loud cheering.) Lord Castlereagh thought the appointment of the Committee of last night was better calculated to lead to advantageous results than the present motion, on which he should therefore move the previous question.

Messrs. Buxton, J. Smith, Littleton, Protheroe, Wilberforce, aud Wood, spoke in support of the motion; and Messrs. Courtenay, Lawson, and Canning, against it. The House then divided, when there appeared for the motion 147-against it 128; majority 19 against Ministers.

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 4. Lord Holland having observed, that Clergymen of the Established Church

would not go to the West Indies to administer religious instruction to the slaves upon a salary of 3001, currency, and recommending Moravian teachers for that purpose, the Bishop of London said, that on his representation, the stipend had been raised by the Colonial Legislatures, to 2601. sterling each individual.

In the Commons, the same day, Lord Nugent presented a petition from the Catholicks of England, praying for a repeal of the disqualifications they endured from the operation of the Penal Laws. The petition was simple and concise. It stated the general disabilities they endured, and without attempting to dictate the particular measure of relief, they submitted their cause entirely to the wisdom of the Legislature.

The Noble Lord stated, that the question affecting the general Catholicks of the empire would be shortly brought forward by Mr. Grattan, and the subject then discussed as a whole, and not taken upon the separate petition of any part of the aggrieved body.

Mr. Canning, after going through a history of the late campaign in India, from its origin to its termination, moved votes of Thanks to the Marquis of Hastings, Sir T. Hislop, Sir John Malcolm, General Smith, and the officers and men of the Indian army. The votes were agreed to, it being understood that the conduct of Sir T. Hislop in putting to death the Killedar of Talneir, after the place had surrendered, would undergo investigation.

Petitions have been presented, signed by the inhabitants of London and the borough of Southwark, praying that the duty of 9s. 4d. now levied upon every chaldron of coals consumed in the metropolis, may be taken off, and the duty itself equalized, by a tax of 1s. per chaldron being levied at the mouth of the pit -so that country consumers may contribute their proportion of this burthen. The reception of the petitions have been supported almost solely by the City and the Southwark members: but strongly opposed by the country members, particularly those connected with the mining, iron, coal, and manufacturing districts. These latter have declared, that the sole object of the measure is to relieve the citizens from a burthen, which from the advantages of their situation they are well able to sustain, in order to throw it upon the inhabitants of districts, who, from the depression of trade and the heaviness of the poor's rates, must, by this additional taxation, be plunged into irremediable ruin.