the wild huntsman of revolution was soon to wind his bugle, and run down these princely dealers in men. In narrating these events, I have followed exclusively the letters and papers of the princes and ministers who took part in the transactions. They prove the law, which all induction confirms, that the transmission of uncontrolled power, visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children, inevitably develops corruptness and depravity. The despotism of man over man brings a curse on whatever family receives it. The new German levies, except the Brunswick and Hanau recruits and four companies of Hanau yagers which went to Quebec, were used to reinforce the army under Howe. From Great Britain and Ireland, the number of men who sailed for New York before the end of the year was three thousand two hundred and fifty-two; for Canada, was seven hundred and twenty-six. In America recruiting stations for the British army were established. In a few months Delancey of New York enlisted about six hundred, and Cortland Skinner of New Jersey more than five hundred men. In the course of the winter commissions were issued for imbodying six thousand five hundred men in thirteen battalions; and before the end of May more than half that number was obtained; but only a small proportion of them were natives of America. The service of two thousand French Canadians was called for and expected. The deficiency was to be supplied by the employment of the largest possible number of savages, for which Germain issued his instructions with almost ludicrous minuteness of detail; and "the king, after considering every information that could be furnished, gave particular directions for every part of the disposition of the forces in Canada." It was their hope to employ bands of wild warriors along all the frontier. The king's peremptory orders were sent to the north-west to "extend operations;" and among those whose "inclination for hostilities" was no more to be restrained were enumerated "the Ottawas, the Chippeways, the Wyandots, the Shawnees, the Senecas, the Delawares, and the Pottawatomies." Joseph Brant, the Mohawk, roused his countrymen to clamor for war under leaders of their own, who would indulge them in their excesses and take them wherever they wished to go. Humane British and German officers in Canada foresaw that their cruelty would be unrestrained, and from such allies augured no good to the service. But the policy of Germain was unexpectedly promoted by the release of La Corne Saint-Luc, the most ruthless of partisans, now in his sixty-sixth year, but full of vigor and more relentless from age. He had vowed eternal vengeance on "the beggars" who had kept him captive; and Germain extended favor to the leader who above all others was notorious for brutal inhumanity. † Relying on Indian mercenaries to break up the communication between Albany and Lake George by the terror of their raids, the secretary drew out the plan of the northern campaign in concert with Burgoyne, who was seeking his "patronage and friendship" by assurances of "a solid respect and sincere personal attachment." Neither of them would admit a doubt of the triumphant march of the army from Canada to Albany. To extend the success through all New York, Saint-Leger was selected by the king to conduct an expedition by way of Lake Ontario for the capture of Fort Stanwix and the Mohawk valley; and orders were given to rally at Niagara the thousand savages who were to be of the party. These preparations, Germain assured the house of commons, would be sufficient to finish the war in the approaching campaign. Parliament in February authorized the grant of letters to private ships to make prizes of American vessels; and, by an act which described American privateersmen as pirates, suspended the writ of habeas corpus with regard to prisoners taken on the high seas. The congress of the United States, after talking of a lottery and a loan in Europe, fell back upon issues of paper money. Lord North found ample resources in new taxes, exchequer bills, and excise duties, a profitable lottery, a floating debt of five millions sterling, and a loan of five millions more. In a sermon before the Society for Propagating the Gospel, Markham, the archbishop of York, not doubting the conquest of the colonies, reflected on their "ideas of savage liberty," and recommended a reconstruction * Riedesel's journal, written for the duke of Brunswick. MS. Tryon to Germain, 8 May 1777. of their governments on the principle of complete subordination to Great Britain. "These," cried Chatham, "are the doctrines of Atterbury and Sacheverell." They were the doctrines of James II., and yet they were adopted by Thurlow, as the fit rule for governing British colonies in America. Some voices in England pleaded for the Americans. The war with them, so wrote Edmund Burke to the sheriffs of Bristol, is "fruitless, hopeless, and unnatural;" the earl of Abingdon added, "on the part of Great Britain, cruel and unjust." "Our force," replied Fox to Lord North, "is not equal to conquest; and America cannot be brought over by fair means while we insist on taxing her." Burke harbored a wish to cross the channel and seek an interview with Franklin; but the friends of Rockingham refused their approval. Near the end of April, Hartley went to Paris to speak with Franklin of peace and reunion, and received for answer that England could never conciliate the Americans but by conceding their independence. "We are the aggressors," said Chatham, on the thirtieth of May, in the house of lords; "instead of exacting unconditional submission from the colonies, we ought to grant them unconditional redress. Now is the crisis, before France is a party. Whenever France or Spain enter into a treaty of any sort with America, Great Britain must immediately declare war against them, even if we have but five ships of the line in our ports; and such a treaty must and will shortly take place, if pacification be delayed." The advice of Chatham was rejected by the vote of nearly four fifths of the house; but, with all her resources, England labored under insuperable disadvantages. She had involved herself in a violation of the essential principle of English liberty; her chief minister wronged his own convictions in continuing the war; and it began to be apparent that France would join with America. CHAPTER XI. THE OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. MARCH-JULY 1777. GENERAL CHARLES LEE, for whom congress and Washing ton offered six Hessian field-officers in exchange, and threatened retaliation if he were to be treated as a deserter, assured his captors that the colonies declared independence against his advice, and volunteered to negotiate their return to their old allegiance. With the sanction of the Howes, on the tenth of February he wrote to congress requesting that two or three gentlemen might be sent to him immediately to receive his communication; and in private letters he conjured Rush, Robert Morris, and Richard Henry Lee "to urge the compliance with his request as of the last importance to himself and to the public." Congress promptly resolved that "it was altogether improper to send any of their body to communicate with him." On the eleventh of March, during a fruitless interview of nine hours on the subject of the exchange of prisoners, Walcott, of the British army, speaking under instructions from Howe, took occasion to say to Harrison, the American: "What should prevent General Washington, who seems to have the power in his hands, from making peace between the two countries?" Harrison replied: "The commissioners have no other powers than what they derive under the act of parliament by which they are appointed." "Oh," rejoined Walcott, "the minister has said, in the house of commons, he is willing to place the Americans as they were in 1763: suppose Washington should propose this, renouncing independence which would be your ruin?" Why do you refuse to treat with congress?" asked Harrison. "Because," answered Walcott, "it is unknown as a legal assembly to both countries. But it would be worth Washington's while to try to restore peace." Without hesitation, Harrison put aside the overture.* Eight days after this rebuff, Lee once more conjured congress to send two or three gentlemen to converse with him on subjects "of great importance, not only to himself, but to the community he so sincerely loved." On the twenty-ninth, congress "still judged it improper to send any of their members to confer with General Lee." The vote fell upon the day on which Lee presented to the British commanders a plan for reducing the Americans, saying: "I think myself bound in conscience to furnish all the lights I can to Lord and General Howe." + To Washington he wrote in terms of affection, and asked commiseration for one whom congress had wronged. Just at this time Sir Joseph Yorke, who understood Lee well, assured the British ministry that his capture was to be regretted; "that it was impossible but he must puzzle everything he meddled in; that he was the worst present the Americans could receive." As a consequence, leave was given by the king for his exchange, and he received through British officers eleven hundred guineas. While the Howes were aiming at reconciliation by an amnesty, Germain gave them this new instruction: "At the expiration of the period limited in your proclamation, it will be incumbent upon you to use the powers with which you are intrusted in such a manner that those persons who shall have shown themselves undeserving of the royal mercy may not escape that punishment which is due to their crimes, and which it will be expedient to inflict for the sake of example to futurity." General Howe was not sanguinary, though, from his indolence and neglect, merciless cruelties were inflicted by his subordinates; Lord Howe had accepted office from real goodwill to America and England; and, on the twenty-fifth of March, the brothers answered: "Are we required to withhold * Walcott's report to Howe. MS. The Treason of Charles Lee, by George H. Moore. |