BRITISH POLICY 129 evasion of the responsibilities of the moment can only tend to strengthen our opponent's hand and make any resistance the more difficult; and the force which would in 1898 have sufficed to bring the offender to her senses, as likely as not without the necessity of firing a shot, will prove utterly insufficient when, in years to come, strengthened by her past opportunities, of which she has availed herself so ably, Russia ventures on a further coup, supported by those resources which our timidity has alone enabled her to develop. The repetition of this process has resulted in affording Russia an influence among the ruling Chinese infinitely greater than our own. The constant attainment of her aims has caused the celestials to regard her as a Power who is not to be denied; and their opinion of Great Britain, whose efforts are restricted to the peaceful enjoyment of what she has attained in the past, has declined proportionately. When, recently, witnessing the struggle going on in China for concessions and privileges among the Powers, England joined in the pursuit, and urged on the Tsungli Yamen the accordance of various rights for railway construction and development of mineral resources, in rivalry with the demands made by other countries, Great Britain sacrificed the last claim to Chinese regard by reversing her policy of previous years, and seeking to force the hand of China in directions to which she was strongly opposed. The policy of England, as proclaimed by Lord Salisbury and his colleagues, is that known as the " open door,' which provides for the sharing of all facilities for trade in China with other countries. The observance of this principle requires the establishment of free trade among all competing nations, and involves an equality of treatment in distinct contrast to that provided by protection. In her support of this course of action, England is aided by the government of the United States, which has very large commercial interests in China; and towards the close of last year America decided to take action to obtain an K exchange of views among the Powers, and, if possible, a unanimous recognition of the principle involved. The despatch of a circular note to all the countries concerned elicited replies which, in the case of England, France, Germany, Italy and Japan, accepted the principle laid down, subject to its being equally adopted by all the other Powers. The reply of Russia was less satisfactory, and, evading the main issue, sought by a speciously worded note to satisfy the hopes of the United States government without actually committing herself to observe the principle involved. The true significance of this document appears to have escaped the attention of the American 1 This document, the last piece of smart diplomacy achieved by Count Muravieff before his death, is worthy of preservation as an instance of the cleverness with which Russia evades obligations which are distasteful to her. It is as follows: COUNT MURAVIEFF TO THE UNITED STATES' MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, St. Petersburg, MR. AMBASSADOR, I had the honour to receive your Excellency's note dated the 8th (20th) September last, relating to the principles which the Government of the United States would like to see adopted in commercial matters by the Powers which have interests in China. In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated its firm intention to follow the policy of "the open door" by creating Dalny (Talienwan) a free port; and if at some future time that port, although remaining free itself, should be separated by a Custom-limit from other portions of the territory in question, the Customs duties would be levied in the zone subject to the tariff upon all foreign merchants without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now opened, or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the American Government especially because it attaches the highest value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the traditional relations of friendship existing between the two countries. AMERICA IN THE FAR EAST 131 ministers, who accepted the reply as being in agreement with the others, and sent copies of it to the Powers, with the announcement that, as all had agreed to maintain the open door," that policy was regarded as being in operation. The British authorities were also misled by the Russian reply; and in an acknowledgment to the United States announced Lord Salisbury's gratification of the result attained, and formulated their acceptance of the principle "thus unanimously agreed to." The interests of America in the Far East were till recently purely commercial. The annexation of the Philippines in 1898 gave the United States an increased voice in the councils of the Pacific; and when these islands are finally subdued and brought under a civilised and enlightened rule, her influence must prove very great in the politics of further Asia. Like ourselves, America has contented herself with the development of her trade among the Chinese and Japanese, and we have already seen that it was entirely due to her insistent energy that Japan was opened to external trade, and Korea abandoned that reserve which had kept her frontiers closed to the exploiting foreigner for centuries. The policies of Britain and America are identical in regard to China, Japan and Korea. The maintenance and development of trade, and the encouragement of friendly relations, are the only objects aimed at, and neither seeks to gain political or strategic ends in those regions. It is in the conflicting tendencies of the policies thus summarised that we must seek the solution of the Far Eastern problem, which, owing to a variety of causes, is no longer dependent on the efforts of any one Power, but rests on the combined influence of future combinations. A union of aim between Great Britain and America would go far to end the rivalries which threaten to partition the continent of Asia; and the admission of Japan to such a combination would ensure the stoppage of that Russian descent on China which is so largely responsible for the incidence of the present trouble. With England and America disunited, neither is likely to be able to stay the progress of events; and the division of the Asiatic mainland between the Powers will follow beyond recall. The future of the Far East rests with the Anglo-Saxon race. The time for action has arrived, and the fate of empire cannot rest much longer undecided. CHAPTER VII OCCIDENT AND ORIENT The workings of the Oriental mind-Its contrast to the European THE crux of the whole question affecting the Powers of Western nations in the Far East lies in the appreciation of the true inwardness of the oriental mind. It is scarcely sufficiently realised that, great as is the difference in the physical characteristics of Europeans and Asiatics, the contrast in their mental attributes is greater stillAn oriental not only sees things from a different stand. point to the occidental, but his whole train of thought and mode of reasoning are at variance; and the impression made on his intelligence by a given incident is frequently in direct contrast to that which would be caused by the same occurrence on the mind of a European. The very sense of perception implanted in the Asiatic, varies from that with which we are endowed; and it is only by a recognition of this principle, and a study of its outcome on the workings of the mind, that we become equipped to rightly appreciate the logic of his standpoint. |