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whither it had been dispatched; and, at the end of the year, consisted of two battalions of infantry, a squadron of light cavalry, and a company of field artillery.

Among its other disquietudes, the Government was alarmed by the threat of the Austrian commodore, commanding on the Greek coast, that he would recapture the Austrian vessels which had been seized by the Greeks for having violated their blockade, and, in opposition to the laws of neutrality, been employed as transports in the Turkish service. The threat was worthy of a power which, from the days of Richard Cour de Lion, has ever proved itself devoid of every exalted or generous feeling. The British commodore, Hamilton, however, having represented the injustice of the threat, and that while he himself was fully disposed to put down piracy, under whatever flag committed, he conceived it was the duty of all to respect a blockade by a belligerent, and to observe and submit to the laws of neutrality, the Austrian naval chief thought proper to recall his threat, and issue an order to the masters of vessels of his nation not to take any part in the war, and to conform themselves to the laws of neutrality in future.

By the humane interference of Commodore Hamilton, an exchange of prisoners was effected; of Turks 67, including the two pachas taken at Tripolitza, and of Greeks 77, including George Mavro Michalis and Captain Yatrucos, who, at the capitulation of Navarino, were made prisoners by Ibrahim, as reprisals for the detention of the two pachas.

There arrived at this time, in the harbour of Nauplia, an American squadron, commanded by Commodore Rogers, between whom and the Government some civilities were exchanged.

On the 5th November a new Egyp

tian expedition, consisting of no less than 133 sail, including transports, and having on board 1000 cavalry and 6000 infantry, arrived at Navarino from Alexandria. Ibrahim, who was prepared for this reinforcement, retained under his own immediate command the greater portion of it, by which his force was increased to 18,000 men. The remainder was dispatched by sea to Redschid Pacha, who had received the most peremptory orders to renew the siege of Missolonghi, to the capture of which the Porte attached the greatest importance.

With his augmented force Ibrahim resolved, in opposition to all Turkish precedent, to undertake a winter campaign, hoping to profit by the terror of the Greeks, and the circumstance of their irregular troops having returned to their homes. His first measure was to put the works of Tripolitza in a good state of defence; after which he overran the interior of the eastern provinces; and, intending to join Jussuf Pacha, who commanded at Patras, he next scoured the whole coast, appearing as if he meant to fall back upon Corinth; and then, after some affairs of posts within the defiles of Irene and the Isthmus, he established his head-quarters at the Little Dardanelles, where he commenced a new series of operations, his communication with Jussuf Pacha being now entirely open.

On the 19th November the Capitan Pacha arrived in front of Missolonghi, where he found Redschid Pacha engaged in reconstructing his works for the siege, and debarked the troops he had on board without opposition. The Turkish fleet had been followed by the Greek squadron under Miaoulis, who, owing to the bad weather, could not effect the design he had formed of attacking its rear. However, he brought with him to the garrison a reinforcement of 500 men and a store

of provisions; after landing which, Miaoulis anchored his squadron at Procamistos, in order to watch events. The Capitan Pacha had also resolved upon remaining; but, afraid of the fire-ships, kept at a great distance from the Greek anchorage.

On 27th December, Redschid Pacha commenced battering the fortress; and, confident in the valour of his disciplined Egyptians, he directed the most distinguished of them to make an assault, they being supported by the Turks and Albanians. The assailants advanced in excellent order; and succeeded, at many points, within

the Greek entrenchments; but they were received with the greatest intrepidity, and compelled to retire with considerable loss.

Some days after this conflict, which was the last that distinguished the campaign of the year, there fell a deluge of rain, which compelled the enemy to abandon his works, and retire to the heights of Mount Aracynthus. The Ottoman fleet, at the same time, set sail for the coast of Patras, while the garrison exerted themselves in re-establishing their batteries.

CHAPTER XV.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA-MEXICO-COLOMBIA-PERU -BOLIVIA-BUENOS AYRES-BRAZILS-HAYTI.

THE affairs of the United States, during this year, presented to foreign nations, as usual, an unvarying aspect of domestic content and tranquillity. When we contemplate their condition, with reference to their central government, they are as a youthful giant in a state of repose, who, in his slumbers, is making the greatest additions to his growth and his energies. The object is interesting, but too little diversified in its features for the beholder to dwell long upon. When, again, we consider them apart from that government, and mark the rapid advance which they are making in internal improvements, owing chiefly to the enterprising and ceaseless activity of their citizens, in their individual capacity, we are struck with wonder at the cheapness and simplicity of the process by which their future national greatness is being elaborated. America owes much, doubtless, to her institutions, but infinitely more to her admirable position with regard to foreign powers, and to her vast expanse of fertile and unoccupied territory. Remote from "warring Europe," her interests can be in no way affected by the changes which may be there operated; and having few inducements to

go to war, and secure from all invasion by ambitious neighbours, she is under no necessity of maintaining a large standing army, which has become a necessary condition of the existence of every European power, and weighs most heavily upon its resources. Its back woods, too, while they admit the fullest developement of the principle of increase of population, present an admirable outlet from the mass of the nation, for all those unquiet spirits who can i brook the conventional restraints of civilized life, and those whose wants may have rendered them desperate; and thus internal peace is maintained, without having recourse to many of the restrictions upon natural liberty which, in the freest states of the old world, are indispensably necessary. The grossest misgovernment alone, under these happy circumstances, could have retarded the growth of America's prosperity; and they who would peremptorily reason from it in favour of democratical governments, must either be without judgment, or desirous to impose upon the judgment of others. They must be as fanatical and dishonest in their way as an opposite class of writers are in theirs, who see nothing in the situation of Ameri

ca, or her prospects, or the character of her citizens, which they do not abuse and decry.

As none of the candidates for the Presidency had obtained an absolute majority of votes throughout the Union, the right of choosing a President from the three who stood highest upon the list devolved, by an article of the constitution, upon the House of Representatives. These three were General Jackson, who had 99 votes, Mr John Quincy Adams, who had 84, and Mr Crawfurd, who had 41. The only other candidate was Mr Clay, who reckoned 37 votes. On 9th February, the House, having assembled, proceeded, after a number of formalities, to discharge the important trust. A delegate for each state was first nominated; and the whole delegates having balloted for the new President, the votes were declared to be as follows: For Mr Adams, 18; General Jackson, 7; Mr Crawfurd, 4. This result, which was brought about by Mr Clay transferring his interest to Mr Adams, gave great offence to the democratical party throughout the Union, by whom Jackson was chiefly supported, and who represented it as an act of contempt of the national voice by those who were most religiously bound to respect it. The discontents of that party engendered a scheme for changing the constitution, so far as it related to the election of President; which scheme was actually submitted, in the course of next session, to the House of Representatives, by one of its members, but without success.

The answer which Mr Adams returned to the deputation who announced to him his election, was remarkable for its modesty. Alluding to the circumstances of the election, particularly the preference of him by the House of Representatives to two citizens, whose names were associated with the national glory, he declared

that he would decline the Presidency to afford the people the opportunity of making an approach to unanimity in their suffrages, but that the provision made by the constitution for the case which had occurred, left him no alternative but to accept the office.

On 4th March, the new President was formally installed in the capital, in the presence of the two Chambers, the, public authorities, and foreign ambassadors; on which occasion he pronounced a glowing eulogy upon the constitution, and the administration of his predecessors; and dwelt at great length upon the political relations of the Union, and the policy which its interests imposed upon it. He then took the prescribed oath to the constitution.

The proceedings of Congress, after the installation of Congress, were not in any respect remarkable; if we except the passing of an act authorizing a loan of twelve million dollars, at four and four and a half per cent interest, for the redemption, in 1826,of an equivalent portion of the public debt, which bore six per cent interest.

The annual report made from the treasury to Congress exhibited the following statement: The revenue received for the year 1824 amounted to 24,381,212 dollars, comprehending a loan of 5,000,000 dollars; which, with the sum remaining in the treasury on 1st January, 1824, constituted a sum total of 33,845,135 dollars. The disbursements for the year amounted to 31,898,538 dollars; consequently, at the end of the year, there remained in the treasury 946,599 dollars. The receipts of the treasury for the three first quarters of 1825 were 21,581,444 dollars; those for the last quarter, it was calculated, would be 5,100,000 dollars, which, with the balance of 1824, would constitute a sum total of 2,872,851 dollars. The entire disbursements for that year were esti

mated at 28,443,979 dollars, which would leave in the treasury a balance of 5,284,061 dollars. The amount of the public debt on 1st October, 1825, was 80,985,537 dollars. The receipts of the treasury for 1826 were estimated at 25,500,000 dollars, the expenses at 20,584,730, making a balance of 4,915,270.

In the course of the year a dispute arose between the federal government and the legislature of Georgia, which at first assumed a serious character. The Georgians wished to take possession of certain lands within their territory which belonged to the Creek Indians; which lands had been ceded to the state by one of the Creek chiefs, in consideration of a small sum of money; but the other chiefs, instead of ratifying, protested against the cession, and, to mark their displeasure still more strikingly, put the author of it to death. Further, they claimed the protection of the federal government against the attempts made by the Georgians to dispossess them of their territory; which protection was extended to them, and violently complained of by the usurping party as unjust and unconstitutional. The governor of the state, in a message to its legislature, entered at great length into an enumeration of the many wrongs and indignities which, by his account, the state had sustained at the hands of the federal government, its interference in the affair of the Creeks being represented as the climax of all. The message was referred to a special committee, which made a report in its exact tone and spirit; and even went the length of recommending an appeal to arms. Fortunately, the good sense of the legislature stood opposed to this intemperate report, which was not even taken into consideration; and the quarrel finally terminated by the unfortunate Creeks abandoning the disputed territory,

after protesting that they did so only to avoid bloodshed, and that for the land of their forefathers, where they had wished to live and die, they had not received a single dollar.

General La Fayette had, the previous year, upon the invitation of the federal government, paid a visit to the United States, the scene of his early exploits. Everywhere throughout the Union he was received with enthusiasm, and every honour which popular gratitude could invent or bestow. On 7th September, he left Washington to return to his own country. On that day he was waited on by the President and all the inferior functionaries, when the President addressed to him a speech, in which he recounted the va rious services, which, from his youth downwards, the general had rendered to the cause of liberty. After taking an affectionate farewell of his visitors, La Fayette embarked in a new frigate, fitted out by the American govern. ment for reconducting him to France, and named the Brandywine, in commemoration of the battle fought upon the banks of the river so called, in which La Fayette was wounded.

The states which had recently been constructed out of the colonial possessions of Spain in America had, in the general case, passed from a state of internal discord to profound tranquillity; but there was this bane to the happiness of many of them, that their finances were in extreme disorder, while their military establishments, which it might have been unsafe to reduce, were of a magnitude out of all proportion to their revenues. The war of independence had all but exhausted their resources; and it is not to be wondered at, that, independent as they had become, their revenues were considerably short of those which had been derived from them when governed colonially.

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