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CRETE.

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Correspondence respecting the Affairs of Turkey, No. XII., 1897, and Nos. III., V., VI. and VII., 1898.-The Correspondence presented at the close of 1897 is chiefly concerned with the endeavours of the six Concerted Powers to agree upon the choice of a Governor for the administration of Crete after the departure of the Greek troops, which Colonel Vassos had brought into the island. Its general effect is that Russia and France were in unison, that Germany and Austria raised points of objection, and that the British Government were willing to acquiesce in the selection of any Governor agreeable to the other Powers. The name of M. Nunna Droz, formerly President of the Swiss Federation, was proposed by France; but when this candidature had been practically agreed upon it fell through, owing to the unwillingness of M. Droz to accept the post. M. Schaefer, a native of Luxembourg, was then proposed by the Government of Austria, but after much negotiation, this candidature also was dropped, though for no apparent reason. "After some discussion,' wrote Sir P. Currie (describing a meeting of Ambassadors at Constantinople), " it was apparent that Colonel Schaefer's candidature was practically dropped, though each of us was authorised to accept him if all the others did so. Colonel Schaefer had no proposer, and we therefore left the designation of the Provisional Governor on one side." No. III. deals with the events of the latter half of 1897, and is chiefly occupied with the internal affairs of the island and the conflicts between Christians and Moslems. It is necessary only to put upon record the workings of that Concert and the relation of Turkey and the islanders to its conclusions. In May Consul Sir Alfred Biliotti recommended the withdrawal of the Turkish troops as the best means of facilitating the settlement of the island now that the Greek troops had been deported. This question lay dormant until July, the Concert meanwhile considering what gendarmerie could be formed to take the place of the troops. In the latter month, however, the Turkish Governor, in consequence of the recrudescence of disorders in Crete, decided in principle upon the despatch of reinforce

ments to the island. The Powers protested against this, and the intention to send reinforcements was abandoned. The Sultan pressed for an immediate settlement of the future of Crete. Nothing being done, rumours of the despatch of fresh Turkish troops became current. On July 27th the British Admiral was instructed to oppose the landing of such troops by force. The other Powers approved of these instructions, and gave orders accordingly. On August 3rd the Turkish Government denied that there was any idea of sending troops without previous communication with the Powers. The Christian Assembly accepted autonomy, subject to the withdrawal of the Turkish forces. No progress was made pending the settlement of the Peace Preliminaries between Turkey and Greece. On October 27th Russia proposed the three following names for the Governorship:Caratheodoris Bey, Turkish Minister at Brussels; Mavroyeni Bey, late Turkish Minister to the United States; Bojo Petrovitch, cousin of the Prince of Montenegro. The Russian Government expressed a preference for a permanent rather than a provisional Governor, and they further proposed that the Organic Statute of Eastern Roumelia should be applied to Crete with such modifications as the local conditions of the island may require. Lord Salisbury declined to accept either of the Ottoman subjects, but was ready to agree to Bojo Petrovitch. Late in November difficulties arose as to this candidature, the Prince of Montenegro objecting to lose the services of his cousin. It was therefore withdrawn by Russia, who on December 29th "proposed Prince George of Greece. Not only would the aspirations of Cretans in this way be fulfilled, but a stop be put to the agitation in Greece." France agreed with this proposal. Count Goluchouski "strongly convinced that it would certainly not be accepted by the Porte." Germany was of opinion that the appointment "would lead very shortly to the annexation of the island by Greece, and that the Balkan Powers would certainly make demands for compensation, in consequence of which complications would ensue. Lord Salisbury "would have much pleasure in supporting that candidature." In view of the objection by Germany and Austria-Hungary, Russia declared that she had no wish to force Prince George on the Sultan. On February 3rd, 1898, the position was stated in the following language by Sir P. Currie :-"The action of the Russian Embassy here in regard to the candidature of Prince George of Greece for the Governorship of Crete has not up to the present time yielded any definite results. Since the communication which I made to the Foreign Minister by your Lordship's instructions on the 24th ult., I have taken no further steps at the Porte except to inquire from time to time as to the progress of the negotiations with the Russian Embassy. I reported in my

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telegram of the 29th ult. Tewfik Pasha's account of the situation. Turkish feeling is undoubtedly strongly hostile to the Russian proposal. It is looked upon as inevitably leading to the annexation of Crete to Greece, and it is considered very unfair that the sacrifices in men and money which the country has made and the victories gained by the Turkish army should result in the loss of the island, which was the original cause of the war. Hitherto the Russians have protested that they have no intention of coercing the Sultan, and that if their candidate is not accepted they have no other to propose. The Sultan shows no sign of yielding, and, unless Russia decides to employ some stronger form of pressure or to encourage the Cretans to set the Turkish Government at defiance and proclaim Prince George or annexation, it seems likely that the Cretan question will drag on indefinitely." Matters dragged on until March 16th, when Germany withdrew from the Concert. Sir F. Lascelles wrote from Berlin :-" With reference to my telegram of the 16th instant I have the honour to report that the Emperor called upon me on the afternoon of that day. His Majesty remained with me for an hour and twenty minutes, and conversed with his usual charm on many subjects, most of which were, however, not of political interest. He said that the object of his visit was to announce to me that he had laid down his flute. I replied that I had seen by the newspapers that the Oldenburg had been ordered to leave Crete, and I asked whether I was to understand that His Majesty entirely withdrew from the European Concert in the Cretan question. His Majesty replied in the affirmative, and observed that this ought not to surprise me. He had already told me that he intended to do so if the proposals he had made were not accepted. As far as he could judge, they had not even been taken into consideration-at all events, no answer had been returned. The dignity of Germany did not permit her to take part in discussions in which her opinions were disregarded, and which led to no results as regards the Cretan question. The Emperor then repeated to me what he said to me on more than one occasion previously, that he had no interests in the Mediterranean, and that the Powers directly interested might make any arrangement they pleased. Perhaps even the fact of his withdrawal would enable them to come more easily to an arrangement. I asked His Majesty whether this meant that he withdrew his opposition to the candidature of Prince George of Greece, to which he replied that henceforth he would neither oppose nor approve any arrangement to which the Powers might come. He would not interfere in any way. The Emperor then again referred to the suggestions he had made at different times for the settlement of the Cretan question. A year ago he had proposed the blockade of the Piræus, which

he was convinced would have prevented the war. This idea had been rejected, although he believed that most of the Powers shared his opinion. Then, again, his proposal to leave the question to be decided by two of the Powers was a practical suggestion, which had been disregarded." On March 24th Count Deym called on Lord Salisbury, who wrote as follows to Sir H. Rumbold (Vienna) :-"The AustroHungarian Ambassador called to-day and read a circular which he had received from his Government on the Cretan question. It stated that the deadlock to which the question had come, and the contradictory opinions which had been expressed by the various Governments had made it necessary for the Austro-Hungarian Government to consider the course they should pursue. The principles by which they had been guided were well known. Being strongly desirous of the maintenance of peace, they had viewed with satisfaction the co-operation of the Powers as the best security against the risk of disturbance, and had loyally contributed their efforts to promote the accord. But the difficulty in obtaining an agreement as to the choice of a GovernorGeneral, the conflicting views on the subject, and the prejudicial effect which had been produced by the promotion of a candidature not calculated, in their opinion, to afford a satisfactory solution, had made them doubtful of the advantage of their present active share in the matter. They had consequently decided between now and the 15th of April to withdraw their military contingent from Crete, and to reduce their ships to the number necessary to protect their nationals. While thus withdrawing from active participation in the measures for the pacification of the island, the Austro-Hungarian Government would still continue to assist in the deliberations of the Powers on the question, and would be glad to take part in its settlement." The Concert, thus reduced to four Powers, again fell into inactivity, the Porte continuing to protest against the appointment of Prince George. The question of a loan for Crete, and of the withdrawal of the Turkish troops were, however, discussed. In April an Identical Note on the latter topic was drawn up by the Admirals, urging the withdrawal of the Turkish troops (4,500 in Canea, and 8,000 Mussulmans, while the European contingent was only 2,500). Admirals require at once augmentation of European contingents of two companies for each nationality, and they insist again on the immediate recall of one-half or more of the Turkish troops, and, as a consequence of this, of Djevad, without which they will not take the responsibility of the very collisions which are to be feared. If the Governments are not able to obtain from the Porte the departure of Djevad and his troops, the Admirals will find themselves under the necessity of taking such measures which might still further increase the irritation of the Mussulmans: they might

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be even brought into conflict with the Turkish troops." By June the Powers had agreed upon instructions to the Admirals to proceed at once to apply the principles of autonomy settled the preceding year; but not upon the question of withdrawal of the Turkish troops, nor on the Governorship of the island. The principles were, complete autonomy, under the suzerainty of the Sultan, Cretans to be free from all control by the Porte of the internal affairs of the island. After the evacuation of Thessaly Greece urged the Powers to settle the Crete question, and claimed that it was necessary consequence of the above principles that the Ottoman forces should withdraw. The correspondence during July and August shows that the Admirals were engaged in endeavouring to settle the administration of the island, that difficulties between the Moslems and Christians continued, and that Turkey still wished to send fresh troops to Crete, and was refused permission to do so by the Powers. Nothing of importance occurred until September 6th, when a British force in Candia was attacked. The following is an account of the circumstances of the outbreak:-"The foreign Admirals having insisted that the Dime should be taken possession of immediately, Colonel Reid, on receipt of orders to that effect, proceeded by himself to do so, while a party of about twenty men were landed from Her Majesty's ship Hazard to guard the Dime Office, which is situated near the quay, for the first few days. The Mussulmans had been since that morning in a state of great excitement, and had prevented the opening of the daily bazaar at Gazi, and also the landing of Christians from mail-steamers. Towards noon they became so restless that a British common picket was sent to patrol the town. During the morning the Moslem leaders had presented an address to Colonel Reid, submitting their grievances, many of which are well-grounded, and he had promised that they would be looked into. On proceeding to the Dime Office he found the doors closed, and obtained the key from one of the office guards. At that moment one of the picket was stabbed from behind, and as he fell down his rifle went off and killed a Moslem. Meanwhile, firing had begun in the town, and in a short time the party on the quay were fired upon and almost annihilated before reaching the British distilling ship Turquoise. Bullets

were falling like hail from the surrounding houses, the ramparts, and through the gates leading to the port which had been burned. Forty-five British soldiers who were quartered near the telegraph office were driven out of their huts, and must have suffered heavy damage. The casualties, as far as is known, were about twenty killed and fifty wounded, but there may be more, as no communications exist between the different quarters." Fighting was resumed between Christians and Moslems, and the losses of the former were very heavy. British

casualties were: Highland Light Infantry, one officer, seven privates killed; two officers slightly wounded and twenty-seven privates. H.M.S. Hazard, four killed, seven severely and eight slightly wounded. Arrangements were made for sending reinforcements to Crete. Russia agreed upon the necessity for the removal of the Turkish troops, martial law had been proclaimed, and on the arrival of reinforcements and by the exercise of strong repressive measures order was restored in Candia. On September 12th Lord Salisbury telegraphed to our Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Although it is too soon to speak with any certainty, it seems possible that the British Government may have to require from the Turkish Government satisfaction for the recent outrages at Candia, or at least security for the future. Should this become necessary, the closing words of my telegram of the 9th instant respecting the withdrawal of the Turkish troops in Crete would require modification, as, if the Powers take no effective action Her Majesty's Government may have to act alone. This reservation should be conveyed in a friendly manner by your Excellency to the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs." The Powers agreed upon the necessity of Turkish withdrawal. On September 25th Lord Salisbury again telegraphed to Sir N. O'Conor: "With regard to the method of coercion to be employed, if necessary, Her Majesty's Government would prefer that each of the four Powers should proceed to remove the Turkish troops from the district assigned to its control. Her Majesty's Government having reserved a right to take measures separately to obtain reparation for the outrage committed on British troops, they may very possibly proceed in the manner described if the Porte refuses to comply with the wishes of the Powers, or delays its answer to the joint note of the Ambassadors. A special arrangement would have to be made in regard to the places which are under the joint control of the Powers." On the same day the Admiralty telegraphed to Rear-Admiral Noel:has been decided by the Representatives of Great Britain, Russia, France, and Italy to present a joint demand to the Porte to commence by 5th October withdrawal of Turkish troops and authorities from Crete, and to intrust the island to the four Powers, who will guarantee the suzerain rights of the Sultan, and take measures calculated to secure lives and interests of both Christians and Mussulmans. The Porte will be warned that if this demand is not accepted the Powers will consider what measures to settle existing difficulties shall be taken." A Note in the above sense was drawn up and signed by the Ambassadors of the four Powers at Constantinople and presented on October 5th. By its terms (dated October 4th) the Ottoman Government was required to notify within eight days their unqualified adhesion to the conditions imposed, which were that the withdrawal must begin within fort

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night of the presentation of the Note and be completed within a month. The Porte requested the retention of a few Turkish battalions as garrisons in certain fortresses near the coast, these troops to be merely the emblem of the sovereign rights of the Sultan, and not to be used for the maintenance of order; but the Powers adhered to the terms of the Collective Note, reserving for subsequent consideration whether any satisfaction should be given to the Sultan's wishes. The Christians of Crete formulated their objections to any retention of Turkish troops for any purpose. On October 4th the Porte replied to the Collective Note in general terms. The subjoined answer was sent :-"The Ambassadors of France, Great Britain, Italy, and Russia have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the Note addressed to them by the Imperial Foreign Office in reply to their note verbale of the 4th October, relative to the evacuation of Crete by the Turkish troops. They call attention to the fact that, by order of their Governments, they had requested the Sublime Porte to reply without any reservation to their demand for evacuation. By announcing its intention of leaving garrisons in the fortified towns the Ottoman Government makes a most important reservation, which the four Powers cannot accept. The Ambassadors of France, Great Britain, Italy, and Russia beg the Sublime Porte to be so good as to communicate to them with as little delay as possible its assent, pure and simple, to their demand of the 4th October. Their Governments will not refuse to consider afterwards the best means of satisfying the legitimate wishes which may be expressed to them in the name of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan." On October 20th the Porte accepted the conditions of the Note:-" In consideration of the repeated assurances which the four Great Powers mentioned have been good enough to give in regard to the protection and maintenance of its sovereign rights over the Island of Crete, and, in accordance with their common wish, the Imperial Government has given the necessary orders in compliance with the request made in the Note referred to. The Imperial Government begs to add that it takes note of the last paragraph of the Note, and is confident that the four Great Powers will satisfy its legitimate desire for the maintenance of the sacred rights of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan over the island and the protection of the rights and interests of the Mussulmans." The embarkation was commenced. On November 5th the British authorities assumed the civil administration of Candia, taking over police, prisons, customs, &c. The Turkish troops not embarking, Rear-Admiral Noel gave an ultimatum that force would be used at noon. Consequently the Turkish barracks were occupied by British forces, and the Turkish troops were escorted to the harbour. No resistance was offered. Moslems convicted of the attack upon the British troops

were hanged in batches of five. The Turkish flag was left flying elsewhere than on the fortifications. The demands of the Porte respecting the maintenance of the Sultan's sovereign rights over Crete were defined anew in a note verbale of October 31st. The Note says:-"The Sublime Porte having in that communication expressed its entire confidence in the intention of the Great Powers to take into consideration its legitimate wishes, and, thinking that the moment has come for satisfying them, has to state that they are as follows:-1. Maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Empire in Crete. 2. Use of the Ottoman flag in the island and by merchant-vessels. 3. Exercise of judicial authority in the name of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan. 4. Retention of a sufficient number of Imperial troops in the fortified places where it is necessary as a symbol of the sovereign rights and of respect for the Ottoman flag. 5. Payment of a fixed sum by the Administration of Crete to the Imperial Treasury. 6. Guarantee of the civil rights and of the lives and property of the Mussulman population. 7. Appointment, in agreement with the four Powers, of the person who is to be placed at the head of the Administration of the island. The Imperial Government, relying on the tenor, which is completely in accordance with equity, of the last paragraph of the collective Note of their Excellencies the Ambassadors, of which it has taken note, is confident that the points stated above will be approved and accepted by their Governments. Moreover, as it

is quite natural that the present officials of the island should continue to perform their duties until the establishment of a legal autonomous Administration, the Sublime Porte begs their Excellencies the Ambassadors to be so good as to cause communications in that sense to be made to the Admirals." The correspondence does not show that any reply was sent to the above.

CROFTER COLONISATION.

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The Commissioners appointed to carry out the scheme of Colonisation in Canada of crofters and cottars from the Western Highlands and Islands of Scotland, in their eighth Report, December, 1897, state that there are 54 homesteads in the Killarney Settlement, with about 160 persons and a total cultivated and broken area of 3,741 acres-120 acres per family. The value of the wheat raised in 1896 was $16,707, of oats $1,993, and of potatoes, $1,683. addition to the amounts remaining of those originally supplied by the Commission the crofters have acquired 75 horses, 38 oxen, 82 cows, 69 heifers, 46 steers, 1 bull, and 149 pigs. The number of chickens and other poultry owned by the various families is 1,671. These figures show a satisfactory increase over the previous year, while, as will be seen from the returns, the increase as compared with 1890 is remark

able.

The families in the settlement have cut 763 tons of hay. The Board has now obtained possession of all the lands upon which the crofters are settled. In all except 15 cases-6 heads of families and 9 younger members-the land has been leased to the crofters, and will become their property after the payment of rent for eight years. The crofters refusing to sign leases have been informed that unless they reconsider their decision at once they must vacate their farms. So far no arrangement has been made between the crofters and their outside creditors for the disposal of the debts, so unwisely incurred, which have tended to retard the progress and welfare of the settlement. Negotiations are in progress, however, which it is hoped may have a satisfactory termination. The Saltcoats Settlement.-The Saltcoats settlement contains about 90 persons. They had 35 acres under cultivation. The crofters have not, it is stated, sown a larger area of grain, because they prefer to devote more attention to the raising of live stock, which, besides being more profitable, enables them to go out to earn money during the seeding and harvest seasons. The crofters now have 39 horses, as against 21 in 1895; 2 oxen, 83 cows, 78 heifers, 47 steers, 5 bulls, 32 sheep, 15 pigs, and 592 chickens. These figures show an increase as compared with the previous year. It is gratifying to the Board to learn that the Saltcoats settlers have not incurred outside debts to any appreciable extent; that they rarely ask for credit, and that where credit is given they seldom allow the date of payment to pass without discharging their obligations. Legislation has been passed by the Canadian Parliament to enable the Saltcoats settlers to take up new locations. Their existing lands will be valued, and their accounts credited accordingly. On their new lands they will give the Board mortgages for the balance of their indebtedness.

DINIZULU (Status of). (See AFRICA: ZULULAND.)

DISARMAMENT (CONFERENCE).

Proposals by the Emperor of Russia. Russia, No. I., 1899.-On May 25th Sir C. Scott transmitted a paper handed to him by Count Mouravieff embodying proposals by the Czar for a Conference on Armaments: "Count Mouravieff begged me to remark that this eloquent appeal, which he had drawn up at the direction of the Emperor, did not invite a general disarmament, as such a proposal would not have been likely to be generally accepted as a practical one at present, nor did His Imperial Majesty look for an immediate realization of the aims he had so much at heart, but desired to initiate an effort the effects of which could only be gradual. His Excellency thought that the fact that the initiative of

this peaceful effort was being taken by the Sovereign of the largest military Power, with resources for increasing its military strength unrestricted by Constitutional and Parliamentary limitations, would appeal to the hearts and intelligence of a very large section of the civilized world, and show the discontented and disturbing classes of society that powerful military Governments were in sympathy with their desire to see the wealth of their countries utilized for productive purposes rather than exhausted in a ruinous and, to a great extent, useless competition for increasing the powers of destruction." The official translation of the document, which is signed by Count Mouravieff, is as follows:-"The maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations represent, in the present condition of affairs all over the world, the ideal towards which the efforts of all Governments should be directed. This view fully corresponds with the humane and magnanimous intentions of His Majesty the Emperor, my august Master. Being convinced that this high aim agrees with the most essential interests and legitimate aspirations of all the Powers, the Imperial Government considers the present moment a very favourable one for seeking, through international discussion, the most effective means of assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and above all of limiting the progressive development of existing armaments. During the last twenty years aspirations towards general pacification have particularly asserted themselves in the consciences of civilized nations. preservation of peace has been made the aim of international policy; for the sake of peace the Great Powers have formed powerful alliances, and for the purpose of establishing a better guarantee of peace they have developed their military forces in an unprecedented degree, and continue to develop them without hesitating at any sacrifice. All these efforts, however, have not yet led to the beneficent results of the desired pacification. The ever-increasing financial burdens strike at the root of public prosperity. The physical and intellectual forces. of the people, labour and capital, are diverted for the greater part from their natural application and wasted unproductively. Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring terrible engines of destruction which are regarded to-day as the latest inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to be rendered obsolete by some new discovery. National culture, economical progress, and the production of wealth are either paralyzed or developed in a wrong direction. Therefore, the more the armaments of each Power increase, the less they answer to the objects aimed at by the Governments. Economic disturbances are caused in great measure by this system of excessive armaments, and the constant danger involved in this accumulation of war material renders the armed peace of to-day a crushing burden more and

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