ness." Another cause is, "the exist- those of any other European nation in ence of the Catholic religion"; another the United States, I should speak the "the refusal of Catholic Emancipation truth. Besides, I have seen how they for a long time", another "tithes"; have risen to eminence in the United " another the union"; another "ab-States, and to be persons of the first sentees"; another "agitation." Now, consequence there. A gentleman, regentlemen, I shall make a few obser-cently from that country, who went over vations upon these, and we will see the names, assures me of this fact, that whether it is possible that any of these, of that eminent body of men, the memthough some of them are important, bers of Congress, the one-third part are yet we will try if any one of these, Irish, or men whose fathers were Irish, or any number of them, has pro- or the descendants of Irishmen. (Hear, duced the effects that we behold hear, and loud cheers). It is then a in Ireland at this. time. (Hear, hear). false accusation to make against them As to "the laziness of the Irish people," to say that they are not industrious, and "the laziness" and "carelessness"; that they are wanting in trust-worthinever before did it come to pass that ness. They are not, God knows! wantfood was sent out of that country to ing in literary acquirements, or in oras feed another, in which the people were tory; for if you were to take the one lazy and careless. As much corn, hundred Irish members out of the House flour, cows, sheep, pork, bacon, beef, of Commons, I wonder what sort would butter, are produced in Ireland, as can be the remaining 558. There would not be matched by a like number of not be an equal number of men of talent people in the whole world, England for the one hundred Irishmen I can herself not excepted. These things assure you. (Hear). But then it is said cannot be created except by labour. that it is "the Catholic religion that It is impossible to produce them with- makes the Irish a lazy, slothful, and out labour, they are not spontaneous; degraded people." This statement is and, therefore, the general answer at a sheer slander; for what was England once to this charge is, that it is false. before the reformation but Catholic? (Hear, and loud cheers). The people What was England at the time she concannot, with justice, be accused either quered France but Catholic? Why, of laziness or carelessness. It has hap-England was Catholic when she pospened too, to me to have seen some sessed herself of Calais and Boulogne, Irishmen out of their own country. I and she was Protestant when she lost have been told by one Irish gentleman, Calais and Boulogne. Every body "Mr. Cobbett, you do not think it, but knows that England was when Catholic really the Irish do not like meat." a much greater country, comparing her (Hear, and laughter). "They like to with other countries, than she is now, "have their cabins without a chimney, though she drains Ireland to make her "and that the smoke if it will go out great. But why does not the Catholic "at all, should only escape through religion make the Irish people lazy in "the roof." (Laughter). I could not America, unless this, that it is changed deny this, because it was said to be a by crossing the Atlantic, and that the fact; but then it is an unbelievable salt of that element takes all the vice fact. My answer to it was this, I have out of it? (Laughter). There are sixty seen the United States of America, and or seventy thousand Catholics in New I have seen other colonies, I have seen York; the Catholics rule by their vote Irishmen in those places, and I never yet that great emporium of the United saw them that they loved other food States; how comes it that these energies better than meat and bread; they did are so much increased there, if the Canot like dirty clothes, they did not like tholic religion itself makes people lazy filthy rags, but they liked to be well here? It is the same always, and, howdressed. They have laboured success-ever other religions may change, we fully, and if I should say more so than know this of the Catholic, that it is the

and the people would have the benefit. When the people are of the same religion as the established church it is a folly to represent tithes as a hardship. In fact, the thing should be paid, and it was some benefit to have the little gentry beside so many great gentlemen.

same in all countries. (Hear). How I wished to have no pitch-patch work, is it that it has not produced similar and that there should be no misundereffects in America that it has here? standing about it. (Hear, hear, and Why because the people have fair play cheers). But I must say, at the same there is given full scope to their physi- time, that, removing religion out of the cal and moral qualities, and they are question, tithes laid on the land are no exerted there as they would be here, if hardship; tithes are part of the expenses you had the same species of govern of the land. In England I pay 1607. ment. (Hear and cheers). In England rent to the landlord, and I pay to the there are Catholics; there the Catholic parson 45l. or 55l., I forget which, for tradesman is as successful as the Pro- tithes. Now, if I did not pay that to the testant. My belief is, that he is more parson, I should pay it to the landlord. so, and there is less of poverty amongst There would be no difference in the them than the Protestants. Now, a fa-sum, and it would be a benefit to me to vourite object with me is the farm that pay it to the parson, if he lived in the I spoke of; and, as with things in parish, for he would employ somebody, which there is less real value, we are more fond of them, so it is the case with me, and it happened that in looking out for a person in whom I could confide, who would, I know, do justice to the labourers, take care of my house, my neighbours, and superintend every thing as if I were there; the person that It is well to have to give it to the pargot to do all these things for me is a son; for, if you gave it all to the squire, Roman Catholic. (Hear and cheers). he would become too big, and would In England I have got one that spend it all out of the parish, while the the Catholic religion did not spoil. parson must spend some of it in it. But the accusation made is a falsehood, This, however, does not apply to Irea slander; and I shall say no more of it, land; for here the people are of one but proceed to the next thing assigned religion and the clergy of another, and, as a cause why the country is in its pre- generally speaking, tithes create heartsent state. (Mr. Cobbett next referred burnings, and lead to violence and to the refusal of for so long a time of crimes, and add to the misery already Catholic Emancipation, and which, existing and arising from other causes. although he admitted it was a glaring But let this be borne in mind, that supinjustice, and tending to produce strife posing tithes and hierarchy were altogeand heartburnings, was however not a ther abolished, still it would be short of sufficient cause for the present condition having that accomplished which it is of the country. This indeed was proved our duty to have done for the people. by the simple fact, that emancipation Next, as to the Union. I have certainly was granted, and that still the grievances seen in the city of Dublin very great and complaints of the people of Ireland distress, such as could not exist if the continued. As our space is limited we country around it were prosperous. I proceed to a more interesting topic), only want the evidence I have on this Next, said Mr. Cobbett, as to tithes. 1 point, to be convinced that the misery petitioned Parliament for a total repeal I see here is general throughout the of the church in Ireland. I petitioned for its absolute removal. I wished that England should be taxed so as to give Ireland a chance for the removal of the heartburnings that oppress her, and that she might have quiet and security. That I considered my duty, and I therefore petitioned to have it wholly removed.

country, and that it must extend for many miles from Dublin: for a man would not look on the distress around him, he would not remain here to suffer misery, if he could go out of it. And here let me observe, that the whole of this misery could not be removed by what you look for, a national Parlia

ment; for the misery existed here be-grandfather occupied he never visited, ⚫fore the Union. (Cries of no, no). The and as to the parson, God knows where misery was not, perhaps, to such an he lived! (Laughter). Now they should extent then; but no man will say, that be badly off in his parish if they had not before the Union Ireland was as well off a law which provided for the poor, deas England, or as she ought to be. serted as they were by the landlord and (Hear). Ireland was badly off before the parson. (Hear). Why did not the the Union, and if a Parliament were landlords of Ireland reside here ? 'It restored to Dublin, and it is my opinion, was bad taste in them not to do so; I will not say that it ought to have very they crept about other men's estates in great weight, when you have members England, and hired a house for a year so well acquainted with the country, there, and had no one to respect them. but my opinion is, that the Parliament Now there was some cause that kept ought to be restored to Dublin. (Hear, the landlord from Ireland. (Hear, hear). and loud cheers). I repeat now what I He could tell them that which would put said in my place in Parliament, and I say a stop to the misery of the people was that it is impossible for any reasoning the cause to be sought after. (Hear, man to believe that eight millions of hear). Agitation might give rise to people will continue feeding another many evils, but agitation which means nation of ten or twelve millions, for you moving," must have something to feed a great part of them, two millions move, and there must be a predisposing at least, Yorkshire, Lancashire, and the cause in the thing to be moved before west of Scotland; it is not possible to it can be agitated. If the agitators had believe that for a long time there will be nothing to agitate, they would soon leave peace or tranquillity amongst the eight off agitating. (Loud laughter). millions held as a colony by the ten or would defy all the agitators in the world twelve millions. (Hear, and cheers). to agitate the fellow who had got a I shall not now enter into the subject of good piece of bread and bacon in his the repeal of the Union, as enough of mouth, and a barrel of beer to draw out my opinions on that question are known of when he liked. (Cheers and laughter). to you; but if the alternative be adopt-Give the man something to eat, and he ed, if the Union were repealed, if your defied them to agitate that man. (Hear). Parliament were restored to you, even As to whiskey-drinking, he certainly if you had an Irish king or queen, yet, thought that was one great cause of the it is my opinion, unless there was a still misery of the people here, but it was greater measure to benefit the working also an effect. (Hear). Lord Bacon said people of Ireland, I will not say that" there was no rebellion so dangerous as your misery would be so great, but that that of the belly." Now, why was it there would be nearly as great a state that the wretched class who pawned of misery as there is at this moment. were the hungry, starving, shivering (Hear). Mr., Cobbett next referred to creatures here? Because the miserable absenteeism, and said that he believed feel that it is the only means of sustainthat the people where landlords did live ing life. (Hear, hear, hear). Drinking were as badly off as where the landlords never could be put an end to where J were absentees. (Several of the audito- there was excessive and unrelieved ry cried out that he was wrong). That, misery amongst the people. No laws he said, was his opinion, and they could do it. The cause of the misery should not be angry with him for en-was, that those who work, and those tertaining it; and if he found himself, were the majority of the people in every after seeing the country, to be erroneous in entertaining the opinion, he would say so at a future time. Now, in his parish the landlord and the parson were both absentees. The landlord lived on another of his estates, the house that his

country, those who laboured had not what they ought to have, a due share of what they laboured for. (Hear). This should not be left to charity; there were as charitable people in Ireland as there were in England, and if it were

not for the law that no man should die provision for the destitute. (Cries of of starvation, he believed the people hear, hear, and no, no). He should see would be in as bad a state in England whether they agreed with him in opinion as they were here. (Hear, and cheers). or not. If they should not, he should He was satisfied the great source of the lament it very much; if they should, it evils of Ireland was the misery of the would give him a joy beyond any thing people, and the cause of that misery he could express. (Mr. Cobbett sat was the want of a law to ensure to them down amid loud and long-continued the due share of what they laboured for. cheers from all parts of the theatre). (Hear, hear, and cries of "No poorlaws"). This, Mr. Cobbett continued,

persons,

(To the Editor of the Dublin Evening Post). THE FIFTH AND CONCLUDING LETTER ON THE PRESENT CRITICAL STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

done?

Very difficult to answer, but being promise, I must endeavour.

was a large question, and one that should GENERAL COCKBURN'S DECLAbe rightly considered in all its bearings. RATION ON REPEAL. He said that they should pass such a law, and if such a law as he spoke of did not pass for Ireland, great and terrible must be the ultimate consequences. People could not continue to endure hardships and injustice for ever. (Hear). It was impossible for him to look at the Shanganagh, 15. Sept., 1834. numbers of poor and wretched DEAR SIR, Our fine island, blessed and consider them as suffering deserv-with a good soil, hardy population, on edly, and as guilty of crimes which de- the whole a healthy climate, and with served such punishment. The greater numerous natural advantages, had we but quiet and civilization in every dispart of them must be innocent persons, and he conceived it the duty of those trict; this island, so long presenting who could do so to aid them, and give formidable difficulties to every Ministry. to the poor widow and her children in continual agitation, discontent, and something whereby they could live. poverty, notwithstanding her productive (Hear). This was his great object in land, requires a separate letter, and visiting Ireland. He knew he could we may well ask, What is to be not succeed in that object until he had got the mass of the common people of England to support him; without this aid he knew he could do nothing, for I have already given a list of causes, the Government had never, in one in- but allow me to observe, that there are stance, done a good thing that had not four leading points of vital importance, taken its spring from the common peoand on the settlement of which much, ple of England. (Hear). Out of the possibly all, will depend. They are, eight millions of Ireland he believed REPEAL-TITHES-ABSENTEES—POORthat seven millions were suffering, and if there were not a change something dreadful would occur. This then was a subject of the greatest importance, and when they met again it was one into which he should enter freely, and If I wrote for mere popularity, I discuss fully. He should propose, too, should have declared myself a repealer to take their vote upon it, and see whe-long ago, and I verily believe but for my ther their vote would be for or against his proposition. (Hear). That he considered was his duty towards the people of Ireland; it was the purport of his visit, for he wished that the tradesmen, the farmers, the property of Ireland, would petition Parliament for a legal

under

RATES.

I know, Mr. Conway, that you are a decided unionist, but you are an honest man, and do not object to the fair discussion of political subjects.

honest hesitation on that question, I should have represented Kildare.

After long and deep consideration I now avow myself to be most decidedly for repeal. It strikes me to be the first remedy for bringing peace and quiet and comfort to Ireland, and strength to

England. The immense quantity of self a dictatorship, or allow it to be conEnglish and colonial business before cealed, would be most arbitrary, dangeParliament every session leaves no time rous, and unconstitutional, nearly high to attend to Ireland. Neither are we treason, and could never be submitted fairly represented, for if England and to; and yet, by a series of the grossest Scotland, with a population of fifteen nismanagement, ill-treatment, and inmillions, have above 500 members, sult to Mr. O'Connell, he has obtained surely Ireland, even making liberal al- a popularity and such influence, that we lowance for the greater wealth of Great must allow there is some weight in the Britain, with a population of eight mil-objection. It, however, proves that the lions, ought to have at least 200 mem-Irish are grateful, and confiding in all bers. And here again, if that were those who suffer in their cause, or adeven granted, I say if the representa-vocate the redress of their grievances, sives will not attend they ought to and if Mr. O'Connell was dead, and that vacate; and if they did attend, it would the misrule of Ireland continued, some be next to impossible to manage or other individual might rise up, and carry on business with such a body of stand precisely in his place, therefore senators as 750, and the more inde- England must begin with the old pendent they were the greater would be maxim, "be just and fear not." the difficulty; I am, therefore, for re- I state the above at all risk of abuse, peal. Sir J. Barrington, in his last for in a country so divided as Ireland, work, says, the union, which extin- where we have Orange Conservatives, guished the pride and prosperity of the Tories, Catholics, Protestants, PresbyIrish nation, was a measure which terians, Moderate and Ultra Reformers, (under the delusion of for ever guarding and Unionists and Repealers, it will be against a disunion of the empire) has hard for me to escape the displeasure of taken the longest and surest stride to some. I give my opinion honestly, but lead it to dismemberment, a measure without obstinacy; I may possibly be which has excited interminable disgust, mistaken, and if on fair discussion, I can instead of invigorating attachment be convinced that I am in error, I will which was daily augmenting under the candidly admit it and retract. federative connexion. This, I believe, At all events, the thing cannot go on and if wrong in the opinion, it is an as at present, some change there must error of judgment, only; for my interest be, and I therefore say, that my first reand wish is, that the two sister king-medy as to Ireland is," reconsider the doms should be united in heart and in Union Act," and whether its repeal will government, under the same Sovereign, not be beneficial to England and Ireeven allowing to England that influence land, and instead of weakening, will which her superior power and wealth, strengthen and cement the connexion. must naturally give her, if she will be If, however, the Union were even reonly just to Ireland. I see but one ob-pealed, it could only be conditional, as jection to repeal, and which I have often to terms. heard used as an argument against it, The King of England, his heirs, &c. viz. that if we had it, Mr. O'Connell should be, de jure, King of Ireland. would nominate the Irish Parliament. The laws assimilated in both coun

This I do not entirely believe, though tries. No impediment to the commerI believe he would have great influence. cial intercourse between the countries, No one can deny his splendid talents; which should be, as now, perfectly free. and, giving him full credit for patriot-The army, and the civil appointments, ism, honest intention, and whatever his not as formerly, left to a jobbing Lord greatest admirers please, I nevertheless Lieutenant and aristocracy; but as say, even so, it would be most danger- they constitutionally should be, with the ous to allow such a power in any state, King, or in plain words, with the cabito any individual, net or Prime Minister, so long as his Majesty or his successors chose to sub

To permit a subject to take on him