the rights and privileges of one though many of them did not understand another, he considered they acted the immediate workings of that meawrong. He despised the master who sure, yet there was not one of them who would lower wages without sufficient did not feel the effects of it. In concause; but he believed, although there clusion, his friend (Mr. Attwood) would might be some few individuals who make amends for him. (Hear, hear, and would act so, yet, generally speaking, loud applause). They had never disthey were compelled to reduce from ne- agreed since they became their reprecessity. The scarcity of money was the sentatives; and in their efforts they had great cause of their want of constant no other object in view but to defend employment and good wages. It was the rights and liberties not only of the to the accursed money laws they were town of Birmingham and the country to attribute low wages. They had a at large, but those of the whole fine harvest, they had everything which world. (Loud cheers). He would now could afford comfort to all classes, but redeem the pledge he made when first there was a scarcity of money. The they did him the honour to return him landlord, the gentry, the manufacturer, as their representative. He then proall were in want of money, and must mised that whenever a majority of his continue so, until there was a change in constituents should wish him to retire, the monetary system. His friend Mr. he would do so. He was now ready to Attwood had been taunted for his advo- do so, if required, without entertaining cacy of this change, yet the whole of the least fear as to the purity of the mohis demand was nothing more than that tives by which he had been actuated in the Government would let them have his past conduct. (Loud applause). If, more money or less burdens. (Applause). however, it was not there desire, he had They were at present in the hands of no wish to abandon his post (cheers), the Bank of England, who possessed although the hour of danger was com the power to raise or lower the prices ing on. The much-dreaded collision and value of property throughout the between the House of Lords and Comcountry. The power possessed by this mons, which used to make the people bank he considered one of the greatest shake in their shoes, had arrived. He curses of the country. He hoped, how-had been anxious for the arrival of that ever, that the time would soon arrive period which would try whether or not when Parliament would put an end to the many were to continue to be sacrisuch a system. They had now a Parlia-ficed to the few. (Loud cheers). If the ment which showed some respect to the House of Lords determined that they petitions of the people. A portion of would oppose the will of the nation, it each day during the sitting was appro-was necessary to let them see that the priated to receiving petitions, and if people were not to be frightened at petitions were not forwarded it was the them. Whenever the crisis did arrive fault of the people. The days of Pitt he would fearlessly take his stand, backand Castlereagh were gone never to re-ed, as he well knew he would be, by turn. (Loud cheers). They could now those whom he was then addressing, meet and petition fearlessly, and he After some further pointed remarks, the hoped the people throughout England hon. gentleman concluded amidst loud would avail themselves of their privi- and general applause.

lege and do so. He hoped they would THOMAS ATTWOOD, Esq., then rose, petition relative to Peel's Bill, which and was received with enthusiastic had not only reduced nineteen-twen-cheering. He said-My dear friends tieths of this great nation to distress, and fellow-townsmen, I thank you from but had also affected almost every part the bottom of my heart, for this renewof the world. If the people of Englanded testimony of your confidence and eswere but true to themselves, an altera-teem. I come from Parliament among tion must be made in that bill. (Cheers, you with much pleasure, but I cannot and three groans for Peel's Bill). Al-say that I bring with me the informa

tion which a reformed Parliament ought another cow's calf, as a stranger out of to have enabled me to give. The last place, a mere Birmingham tradesman, time I bad the honour to meet you here very disagreeable in their eyes. You at dinner, four years ago, the Duke of must not be surprised that I received Wellington was then in power; we met this kind of treatment. The House of in celebration of the glorious French Commons is divided into two great parRevolution, and I then said to you, ties, the Whig and the Tory. To the "Show me twenty such dinners as these, former I had been mainly instrumental and I will show you the governors of in assisting to do a favour too great for England." We have not been able to proud men ever to forgive; and to the exhibit twenty such dinners, but never- latter I had been instrumental in assisttheless we have been able to make exing to do an injury which interested men hibitions, originating in the spontaneous could never forgive. (Hear, hear, and patriotism of the English people, which laughter). This treatment, however, have had the effect of shaking the late had no effect upon me. (Loud cheers). I oppressors of their country from their was obnoxious to them as a tradesman, unhallowed seats. I think I do no more I was obnoxious to them as a forward than justice to you, as men of Birming-leader in political matters; and, above ham, when I say that you were mainly all things, I was obnoxious to both parinstrumental in creating the general ties as having for twenty years denounced demand for reform ainong the people of and exposed the frightful errors and England (hear, hear), and when that crimes which they were committing. reform was endangered, it was you (Hear, hear). Nor have I had much that placed yourselves at the head of better support from the public press. the public mind, and speaking the voice What I have said in jest has often been of the nation, commanded its success. reported as in earnest, and what I have (Cheers). I will not congratulate you said in earnest has often been reported too much on the bill of reform thus ob- as in jest, and very often indeed have I tained, because I know it has disap- never had any report at all. (Hear, pointed your expectations and mine. hear). Now under these circumstances, (Loud cheers). It has given us a House it is certain we have done no great of Commons, but little better, I am things; when any good has been to be sorry to acknowledge, than the old con- done, we have been asleep or absent, cern. Some few good men, it is most but when an ill deed has been to be true there are in Parliament, but it is done, we have been as busy as the devil with deep and bitter regret that I ac- in a gale of wind. (Loud laughter, and knowledge that the majorities have cries of hear, hear). When we could generally been as servile and as selfish have an opportunity of destroying the as in former Houses. (Hear, hear). liberty, or preventing the restoration of When I entered Parliament I expected the prosperity of the people, we have to meet bands of patriots animated with exhibited no lack of labour or industry, the same interests as the people, feeling I assure you. If we could coerce Ireland, for their wrongs and oppressions, and or oppress England, we have never tired determined to redress and relieve them. in the disgraceful work; and no doubt, I almost regretted that I had had a bad as the laws passed in the last session hand in the reform, when I saw troops have been, they would have been much of sycophants and time-servers who worse if an honest and patriotic minority seemed only anxious to regard their own had not struggled by day and by night selfish interests, and to destroy the very system of liberty and reform from which they themselves had drawn their existence. (Shame, shame). These gentlemen, you may well believe, were not very partial to me; they looked upon me in some light as a cow looks upon

against the oppression of their country. It is certain that we have done some good; we have softened the atrocious Coercion Bill of Ireland, and the equally atrocious Poor-Law Bill of England. These horrid instruments of fraud and tyranny, we have cut down to one-fifth

of their original and horrible dimenfernal gripe upon the nation's throat, sions, and I do in my conscience believe, are most unwilling, and most reluctant that had it not been for our exertions, to relax it. Ignorance, and interest, as an honest minority, in the House of and passion, and prejudice, combine to Commons, you would yourselves, at make havoc with the best interests of this moment, have been engaged in a the country. But what occasion have we frightful civil war for the liberty of your for Oxford scholars who write Greek country. (Hear, hear). This honest verses? who are skilled in all the useminority, in the face of all obstacles, less lore of the ancients, but who and regardless of labour and sacrifice, know nothing of the wants, and continually warned the House of the modes of living men? What did Washgulf into which they were precipitat-ington, or Cromwell, or Napoleon, ing, and in this way the march of tyranny know of Greek verses? These are the and madness was in some degree ar- men that England want, and that Engrested. But for this we must have been land must produce, or be content to at this moment involved in the fiercest descend in the scale of nations for ever. state of anarchy and revolution. I can (Loud cheers). In my opinion, my assure you that I have myself spared no friends, we must have a further reform. labour in this great work of staying the (Loud applause). We ought to fall back, march of tyranny and revolution. For as I have often said, upon the ancient four days in one week I was present in constitution of our country, that glorithe House of Commons, with slight in-ous constitution which gave shelter termissions for food, from eleven o'clock to our fathers, and the deep foundations in the morning until three o'clock the of which were laid by the immortal Alnext morning. I could not leave my fred a thousand years ago. (Cheers). post for a moment without the danger We ought to have household suffrage, of my being absent on some great di-triennial Parliaments, wages of attendvision affecting the liberty and welfare ance for representatives, and I will add, of the people. (Loud cheers, and cries vote by ballot, because the constitution of hear, hear). It is certain the House in guaranteeing, to us freedom of elecof Commons is not what it ought to tion, must necessarily have guaranteed be; one half consists of lawyers, Jews to us the necessary means of the exerof 'Change-alley, and monks of Oxford, cising of that great national right. (Loud (laughter); the other half consists of and long-coutinued cheers). With reLords and country gentlemen; too rich gard to the wages of attendance, I think and too far removed from the wants and this to be a most important part of our interests of the mass of the people to constitution. Without this you cannot have any clear views respecting them, have the Commons of England properly or any common feeling with them. represented in the House of Commons. Their cloud-born legislators, as I have You may have rich men to represent often called them, are almost as bad as poor men, but you cannot have Commons the Oxford scholars. Here and there to represent Commons. Now, are storks are a few retired and sordid tradesmen, the proper representatives of frogs? or the worst enemies of the people, who, wolves the proper representatives of having escaped the squalls themselves, sheep? If they are, then are rich men care but little for the tempest howling the proper representatives of the poor. around the heads of their late rivals and (Hear, hear). But in my humble opicompetitors in trade; having climbed aion, neither storks, nor wolves, nor the ladder themselves, the first study of men merely rich, are the proper reprethese sordid men is, to kick down the sentatives of men struggling with the ladder, in order to prevent the possibi-ifficulties and uncertainties which lity of their rivals emerging from the hitherto always attend the industrious depths of poverty below. These men, classes of the people of England. the Oxford scholars, and the Jews of (Cheers). Parliament, however, is at 'Change Alley, who have got their in-present composed of men who are either

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too rich; too rich to know the distresses it is in accordance with the character of the people, or to have any common and genius of the English people, and I feeling with them; or of men whose cir- have not the shadow of a doubt that if we cumstances expose them to such tempta- act upon it, it will yet secure to us a greater tions that it is not to be expected that measure of liberty, prosperity, and glory, human nature should resist them. Here than ever our fathers enjoyed. I refer is my friend Edmonds for instance, our ex-more immediately to myself. I have cellent and honourable chairman, in every heard it represented that I am favourable way fitted to represent his countrymen in to the impressment of seamen, and to Parliament. Send him there to-morrow, the present cruel system of military and I will assert, that within twelve flogging. All men that know me, know months he must either resign or be cor- that I have no cruelty in my nature. rupted, or be ruined. For men without have, from my youth up, been the enemy wealth, indeed, "to be in that House, of tyranny and injustice; and what jus" is like being in the jaws of hell; it is tice can there possibly be in impressing "first to be tempted, and then to be be-seamen and compelling them to fight "trayed." (Loud cries of hear, hear). our battles against their will? The truth It is for these reasons that I think the is, that Mr. Buckingham's motion in wages of of attendance the most im- the last session, for abolishing the important part of the rights and liberties pressment of seamen, is my motion; I of the people. In my opinion, my friend, gave it into his hands the session before great changes are coming upon England, last. He then refused to adopt it, thinkchanges of vast moment to the prospe- ing it did not go far enough, but in the rity or adversity, to the liberty or late session he brought it forward, and slavery of the people. It is the duty I voted with him in support of it. (Loud of all parties to make common sacrifices cheers). It went to the effect of aboin this great crisis of their country's lishing impressment totally, except in need. I would not advise the workmen cases of great national emergency, and to seek the ruin of the landholders, nor for limited periods, not exceeding three the landholders to degrade the work months. (Cheers). With regard to flogmen below the honest independence and ging, I have only to say that I was the the just reward of labour which their fa- first man to bring before the House of thers have been accustomed to. Let the Commons the atrocious case of the solmasters and the workmen also avoid dis- dier Hutchinson, who was tortured so cord; let them unite together, and, if cruelly a few weeks ago. (Loud appossible, let them cordially coalesee with plause). I feel that I need say no more the ancient aristocracy of the country, upon this subject. I now come to the whose interests are in reality but one horrible Poor-Law Bill, which of all with their own, and who have, for so things I must notice. We have been many centuries, promoted the liberty told in high quarters, that it is absolutely and independence of their country. By necessary to save the estates" of the this cordial unity between the ancient nobility and gentry. Now look at the aristocracy and the industrious classes, facts: the poor-rates of England for the the interests of both will be secured, and last year airounted to only 6,700,000l.; the common opposer of both will be the rental of England amounted to thirty broken down. That Jewish interest, millions sterling. (A voice in the crowd which now lords it alike over the aristo- exclaimed "thirty-two millions"). Well, cracy and the people, which sacrifices thirty-two millions; now the wildest alike the rents of the landlord, the pro-imagination cannot conceive it possible fits of the trader, the manufacturer, that this atrocious bill should reduce the and the farmer, and the wages of the poor-rates more than one-half, which is mechanics and labourers, will be reduced to its proper weight and influence in the tate. This was the system under which ar fathers flourished. I am quite sure

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about three millions sterling; I ask you as I have asked the House of Commons, how is it possible that the saving of three millions should produce the safety

of thirty-two millions? Be assured, my landed rental, but three millions can do friends, there is something more in this nothing. (Hear, hear). This, then, is than meets the eye or the ear. I will the real and ill-concealed object of the explain it to you. The agricultural re- Poor-Law Bill; I stated to the House port shows the wages of agricultural of Commons, and no one contradicted labour in England to amount to about me; and I am confirmed in this view, forty millions sterling per annum, or to because I heard Mr. Cobbett assert in! about 12s. or 14s. per week for each that House, in the presence of the Milabourer's family. The wages of the nisters, that he had the best authority Irish labourers, it is well known, do not for saying that the instructions from exceed 4s. per week. A great number Government to the Poor-Law Commisof the agricultural labourers of England sioners contained the expression of an derive only 6s. or 7s. per week for their opinion that it was desirable to bring wages, but the remaining 5s. or 6s. per the labourers of England to live upon week is made up to them, as in justice coarser food. I never heard the Minisit ought to be, by what is called the ters deny the truth of this terrible fact. allowance system. Now this horrid I believe they did not deny it. Here, Poor-Law Bill expresslydeprives all able- then, we come to a pretty good proof bodied labourers of all possible relief of that the grand object of the Poor-Law this nature; it positively refuses all re-Bill is to break down the wages of Enlief to such labourers, except upon the glish labour, and to reduce the comforts hard conditions of forcing them into of English labourers, in order that, out great dungeons, where the husband is of the plunder and degradation of these to be separated from the wife, and the honest and good men, the rents of the children from their parents, and all are landlord may be preserved from that neto wear badges of slavery upon their cessary fall to the continental level shoulders. (Loud cries of Shame, which the momentary measures of the shame"). This is frightful power, and Government have imposed. It is sinthe horrible duty which is intrusted to gular that Ministers should think of the Poor-Law Commissioners by this coarser food for the people of England. . galling bill. And now mark the object I went to Parliament, as you know, of this measure, which will give you a principally for the purpose of giving glimpse of the way in which it is really them better and more food than they intended, that the estates of the nobility have been latterly accustomed to. and gentry are to be preserved. The agricultural report complains that the able-bodied labourers will never submit price of agricultural produce is not reto be treated in this murderous and dis-munerating, because the people cannot graceful way; they will, therefore, re-consume the food so fast as it is brought fuse all parish relief upon such terms, to market, and yet we are now told it is and it is thus that they are to be forced, necessary to reduce the consumption of hungry and naked, into the markets of food still further. Is this madness, or labour, with 5s. or 6s. per week only to is it mere folly? Is it not madness, as exist upon, in order that they may thus well as guilt, to attempt to reduce the force down the prices of English labour consumption of food at the very moto the Irish level! You are aware that ment when the labourers have been put in this way the agricultural wages of upon short allowance, and the farmers England would be reduced from forty are every where complaining of the millions per annum, to much un-want of a inarket? All I have to say der twenty millions per annuin; and upon the subject is this, we have had here you will perceive a pretty round good food before us to-day, bread, beef sum of full twenty millions per annumto and beer, such as our fathers have been assist in saving the rentals and estates accustomed to; may the people perish of the landowners! twenty millions if ever they submit to be placed, genesaved in this way may do something to- rally, upon a worse allowance. (Loud wards saving the thirty millions of the cheers). The old poor-laws are, un

The