Why should men look for great reforms, without regard to means adapted to the nature and extent of the work to be done? Governments are surrounded by impenetrable walls

of national error, pride, and prejudice,- more durable than granite, less yielding than steel, and no power can reach them or their people until these walls are broken, and no power can break them but war.

As individuals are made responsible to the laws of society, in which they live, so nations are held responsible to nations for a just observance of those great laws, which, for a common good, all civilized nations acknowledge.* As a people improve a country, so nations cover the earth to improve and subdue it. They are either faithful or false to their trusts. If faithful, they prosper; and their prosperity is an element in the progress of the world. If false, adversity is their lot, and their evils are extended to every nation. In some degree, the interests of one nation become the interests of all nations. All have a common interest, and this all are ready to protect.

As sovereignties acknowledge no superior, each nation claims to judge of its own rights. As these rights are respected, intercourse becomes useful and profitable. As they are disregarded or violated, they become the subjects of negotiation, or causes of war. When negotiation fails, war becomes the alternative. In this position, Mexico placed herself in relation to the United States. It became the right of this country to insist upon that measure of justice which she is ever ready to accord to others, and which all nations, just to themselves, are bound to observe. War was not the choice of our government, it became the alternative. It will be remembered that Mexico barely escaped a war with us in 1837. In a message to Congress of that year, President Jackson used the following language:

"Having in vain urged upon the government of Mexico the justice of those claims, and my indispensable obligation to

* See Appendix Z.

insist that there should be no further delay in the acknowledgment, if not in the redress, of the injuries complained of, my duty requires that the whole subject should be presented, as it now is, for the action of Congress, whose exclusive right it is to decide on the further measures to be employed. The length of time since some of these injuries have been committed, the repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of the recent insult to this government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister, WOULD JUSTIFY, IN THE EYES OF ALL NATIONS, IMMEDIATE WAR. That remedy, however, should not be used by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength, for injuries committed, if it can be honorably avoided; and it has occurred to me, that, considering the present embarrassed condition of that country, we should act with both wisdom and moderation, by giving Mexico one more opportunity to atone for the past, before we take redress into our own hands. To avoid all misconception on the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our own national character from reproach, this opportunity should be given with the avowed design and full preparation to take immediate satisfaction, if it should not be obtained on a repetition of a demand for it. To this end, I recommend that an act be passed, authorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States, by the executive, against Mexico, to enforce them, in the event of a refusal of the Mexican government to come to an amicable adjustment of the matters in controversy between us, upon another demand thereof, made from on board one of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico."

This message was sent to Congress on the 8th February, 1837, and on the 19th day of February, the committee on foreign relations in the Senate, of which Mr. Clay was one, made-unanimously a report, which was accepted unani

mously by the Senate, repeating and approving entirely, the views and suggestions of President Jackson.

The report of the House on the same subject, was made on the 24th February, fully concurring with the views of the president, and with those of the Senate committee.

On the 27th of May, 1837, Mr. Forsyth, then secretary of state, in a letter written to the Mexican minister of foreign affairs, says,

"These wrongs are of a character which cannot be tolerated by any government indued with a just self-respect, with a proper regard for the opinion of other nations, or with an enlightened concern for the permanent welfare of those portions of its people who may be interested in foreign commerce. Treasure belonging to the citizens of the United States has been seized by Mexican officers, in its transit from the capital to the coast; vessels of the United States have been captured, detained, and condemned, upon the most frivolous pretexts; duties have been exacted from others, notoriously against law, or without law; others have been employed-and in some instances ruined in the Mexican service, without compensation to the owners. Citizens of the United States have been imprisoned for long periods of time, without being informed of the offences with which they were charged. Others have been murdered and robbed by Mexican officers, on the high seas, without any attempt to bring the guilty to justice."

This was in 1837. In 1839 a commission was appointed by the two governments to determine the amount of the claims due to our citizens. This commission, being limited as to time, only a portion of the business was accomplished. The amount reported to be paid was $2,026,139 68; and this sum Mexico stipulated to pay by instalments. It was divided into twenty instalments, and but three were ever paid. It has been remarked, "that the damages received by our citizens, from 1839 to 1845, inclusive, exceeded the amount of those three instalments; for while Mexico was paying these small amounts,

comparatively, on one hand, she was committing depredations on the other." *

The position of our government, in 1845, was, indeed, a painful one. It had no right to relieve Mexico from her obligations; it could not consistently, with its own dignity, submit to new insult; it could not force her to negotiate, nor could it determine upon war, where the disparity of power and condition would give to success no glory, and to victory no indemnity.

As our government assumed, with all humility, the initiative in reëstablishing diplomatic relations between the two countries after they had been interrupted by the act of Mexico, Mexico reciprocated by assuming the initiative in commencing hostilities.

Perhaps our government was too reluctant to take upon itself the responsibility of a war against a sister Republic, in which its motives might be assailed, and its objects misunderstood or misrepresented. War makes no part of the policy of our country. Our people are lovers of peace. It cannot be otherwise. War does not help our commerce or protect our industry. It injures both; and our citizens are slow to sanction what will lessen their interests. When war, however, becomes a duty that cannot be avoided with honor and integrity, it is met with a spirit of patriotism and firmness that need only to be directed to command results which will tend to establish more firmly the blessings of peace.†

* See speech of Hon. Mr. Jameson, January, 1848.

It is remarked with great truth by Macaulay, in his review of Hallam's Constitutional History, that,

"If there is any truth established by the universal experience of nations, it is this, that to carry the spirit of peace into war, is a weak and cruel policy. The time of negotiation is the time of deliberation and delay. But when an extreme case calls for that remedy, which is in its own nature most violent, and which in such cases is a remedy only because it is violent, it is idle to think of mitigating and diluting. Languid war can do nothing which negotiation or submission will not do better; and to act on any other principle is not to save blood and money, but to squander them."

In this war with Mexico, our government had a national duty to perform. The time had arrived when justice must be Jone to Mexico. It was required by the interests of this country; it was demanded by the interests of all nations; and, more important than to all others, it was due to Mexico herself. Her commercial, domestic, and moral condition made the duty an imperative one, that she might be saved from her own acts. Her crisis had come. She had done nothing well, othing promptly. Both England and France long since were compelled to threaten her, to secure their rights. And if this country had not been involved in the business of chastisement, the duty would soon have fallen to other powers.

Fortunately for Mexico that her destiny was placed in our keeping. Fortunately for us, that such was the event; for had t been otherwise, the calamities of war would doubtless have Seen multiplied.* Other powers would not have been permitted by the United States to secure by conquest any permanent interest on this continent, more than they now hold. And doubly fortunate for Mexico; for if she has within her limits sufficient energies to lead her onward to success, she has only to avail herself of the aid which the United States are abundantly able to give, and she may yet succeed as a nation. The great lesson for her to study is the history of herself, the causes of her misfortunes, of her adverses, and the justice of the penalties which have been inflicted upon her.

It is supposed by some that Mexico loses by the war.t That she parts with her treasures as indemnity for its expenses. That she has lessened her means of national prosperity, and impoverished her people, in making concessions which were

*The U. S. flag was raised in California. If this had been delayed a single day, the British flag would have waved over that territory.

+ See Appendix A A. We give the treaty without comment. Our limits do not permit us to speak either of its terms or of the manner of its execution. This we may do in a more extended work.