nourished by the forms of the external world. The food of the imagination is fupplied by the fenfes, and all ideas exifting in the human mind are reprefentations of parts of nature accurately delineated by memory, or tinged with the glow of paffion, and formed into new combinations by fancy. In this view refearches concerning the phenomena of corpufcular action may be faid to be almost natural to the mind, and to arife out of its inftinctive feelings. The objects that are nearest to man are the first to occupy his attention: from confidering their agencies on each other he becomes capable of predicting effects: in modifying thefe effects he gains activity; and science becomes the parent of the ftrength and independence of his faculties.

"The appearances of the greater number of natural objects are originally delightful to us; and they become still more fo when the laws by which they are governed are known, and when they are affociated with ideas of order and utility. The study of nature, therefore, in her various operations must be always more or less connected with the love of the beautiful and fublime: and, in confequence of the extent and indefinitenefs of the views it prefents to us, it is eminently calcu lated to gratify and to keep alive the more powerful paffions and ambitions of the foul; which, delighting in the anticipation of enjoyment, is never fatisfied with knowledge; and which is, as it were, nourished by fururity, and rendered ftrong by hope.

"In common fociety, to men collected in great cities, who are wearied by the conflant recurrence of fimilar artificial purfuits and objects, and who are in need of fources of permanent attachment, the cultivation of chemistry, and the phyfical fciences, may be eminently ben ficial. For in all their applications they exhibit an almost infinite variety of effects connected with a fimplicity of defign. They de monitrate that every being is intended for fome definite end or purpose. They attach feelings of importance even to inanimate objects: and they furnish to the mind means of obtaining enjoyment unconnected with the labour or mifery of others.

"To the man of bufinefs, or of mechanical employment, the purfuit of experimen al refearch may afford a fimple pleasure, unconnected with the gratification of unneceffary wants, and leading to fuch an expanfien of the faculties of the mind as muft give to it dignity and power. To the refined and fashionable claffes of fociety it may be come a fource of confolation and of happinefs, in thofe moments of folitude when the common habi's and paffions of the world are confi dered with indifference. It may destroy diseases of the imagination, owing to too deep a fenfibility; and it may attach the affections to objects, permanent, important, and intimately related to the interefts of the human fpecies. Even to perfons of powerful minds, who are connected with fociety by literary, political, or moral relations, an acquaintance with the fcience that reprefen's the operations of nature cannot be wholly ufelefs. It muft strengthen their habits of minute diferimination; and, by obliging them to ufe a language reprefenting fimple acts, may tend to destroy the influence of terms connected only with feeling. The man who has been accustomed to study natural objes philofophically, to be perpetually guarding against the delusions of the fancy, will not readily be induced to multiply words fo as to

I

forget

forget things. From obferving in the relations of inanimate things fitnefs and utility, he will reafon with deeper reverence concerning be ings poffeffing life: and, perceiving in all the phenomena of the uni verfe the defigns of a perfect intelligence, he will be averfe to the tur bulence and paffion of hafty innovations, and will uniformly appear a the friend of tranquillity and order." P. 22.

ART. 32.

POLITICS.

A Plain Answer to the Milreprefentations and Calumnies contained in the Curfory Remarks of a Near Obferver. By a more accurate Obferver. 8vo. 83 pp. 2s. 6d. Stockdale. 1803.

We have already laid before our readers two answers to the " Cur". fory Remarks," and others prefent themselves to our notice. The author of the Plain Anfwer is, however, apparently of a different defcription, and takes, in fome refpects, a different courfe from the other defenders of the late administration. Like the "Near Obferver," he is, or affumes the credit of being, intimately acquainted with the tranfactions which form the fubject of controverfy; and, inftead of reafoning a priori, as to what was likely to have happened, boldly ftates the facts themselves, and challenges the contradiction of his adverfary. We will not purfue his narration through all the details, but will state a few of the leading points on which thefe writers are at iffue.

The first of thefe controverted topics is, the motive which induced Mr. Pitt, and fome of his colleagues, to refign. This the author before us (very properly fpurning the infinuations of the Near Obferver which imputed their refignation to fear or defpondency) afcribes it folely to their inability to propofe "a meafure which they thought of great public importance as a meafure of government." We would not for a moment be fuppofed to doubt the truth of this affertion; as it is not merely that of an anonymous writer, but was made by the minifters themselves at the time of their refignation: yet it is obvious to remark, that this meafure, fo important as to compet them to refign at fuch a crifis, feems to have been little, if at all, thought of in the negociation for their return. We hardly need to add, that to the writer before us, the ftate of public affairs, when the prefent minifters undertook to conduct them, appears in a much lefs gloomy light, than that in which it had been placed by his antagonist. He alfo very fatisfactorily defends the late ministry from the charge of having deferted the public fervice, during the lamented illness of their fovereign.

That Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville gave to their fucceffors" an affurance of fupport," is not denied by this author; but it is explained to mean only fuch fupport as their measures fhould appear to deserve. The terms of " conftant, active, and zealous fupport" were, it seems, used by Lord G. in a speech in the Houfe of. Lords, on the 20th of March, 1801. Although even thefe terms must be understood with fome qualification, we cannot help thinking, that fo early, fo vehe ment, and fo fyftematic an oppofition (commencing, if we mistake,

Aaa 2

not, even before the peace of Amiens) was hardly compatible with this declaration, nor could have been juftified by any meafures of government, but fuch as fhould have been manifeftly corrupt in their inotive, or alarmingly dangerous in their tendency.

In the juftification of Mr. Pitt (and certainly in refuting the pofitions of his adversary) this author appears to us, in general, fuccesful, That flatefman, he truly afferts, "has never cominenced a fyftematic oppofition to the prefent minifters." Such an oppofition, to men feduloufly and fincerely (as all must admit) endeavouring to promote the welfare of their country, would, we conceive, be unworthy of that public fpirit, thofe liberal fentiments, and every part of that high character which he has fo long, fo eminently, and fo fingularly displayed.

The negociation, if it may be fo called, for the return of Mr. Pitt to office, is defcribed by this writer as differing, in fome refpects, from the reprefentation given of it by "the Near Obferver:" it is infifted, that the acceflion of Lord Grenville to adminiftration was not pofitively required, but merely that no one fhould be profcribed.

In characterizing the high and chivalrous spirit of Mr. Windham, this author writes with felicity as well as knowledge; and though, with a very large part of the public, we wonder at many circumftances in his late conduct, we cannot confent to attribute to him any thing mean or mercenary. We must not, however, attempt to expatiate on every part of the performance now before us.

The attacks, in this pamphlet, upon the public meafures of the prefent adminiftration, are conducted with dexterity, and, what is much to the writer's credit, with unufal temper, candour, and delicacy. We were, however, a little furprised at the imputation of not having conciliated foreign powers, confidering that it proceeds from an advocate of the late adminiftration, who, with all their merits, were, if not inattentive to that object, at leaft peculiarly unfuccefsful in the purfuit of it, and left us ftripped of every continental connection.

But although we differ in fome points from the author before us, the fpirited and patriotic conclufion of his work deferves our warmest praife. Though not approving the meafares, or highly rating the talents, of the prefent adminiftration, he exhorts his countrymen, whoever may be cur leaders, to vigour and perfeverance in the glorious caufe in which we are engaged.

Upon the whole, though this tract manifeftly proceeds from a par tizan, we may venture to pronounce it, the work of no ordinary writer; and, what is uncommon, it unites with party zeal and per sonal attachment, a laudable degree of candour and moderation.

ART. 33. A brief Review of the Financial Arrangements for the prefent Year, including the Income Tax, and the Continuation of the Bill for the Refriction of the Iffue of Specie at the Bank; with various Plans for increafing the Wealth and Population of the Country, by abolibing certain Restraints on Trade, and extending productive Labour. 8vo. 31 PP. IS. Tipper. 1803.

The principle which this writer adopts with regard to taxes is, that (when unavoidably laid on neceffaries) they "fhould be as direct as

poffible

poffible on real property; as all indirect ones are invariably much increased, in the end, by operating as a double impoft.”

He begins with the income tax on tradefmen, and endeavours to fhow, that "laying a duty on the profits immediately arifing from trade, is the fame as a duty upon commodities, and is admitted by all financiers to fall upon the confumer." He quotes Dr. A. Smith, that "whatever taxes are laid on tradefmen's neceffaries, directly or indirectly, fall on the confumer," and argues, that "the immediate income arifing from trade is the fame." To the ftamp duty on bills and receipts, he objects that it is unequal; as "the fmall tradesman pays much more, in proportion, than the large." The tax on real property he thinks "juft as to the object, and well-conceived as to the means of collecting the duty." The tax on tenants he also approves; but thinks it may, in many inftances, be unjust and severe, if they have to pay an income-tax befides. On the additional duties on the customs and excife, as there is nothing new in the principle, he only remarks, that the greater luxuries fhould bear the highest rate; and he juftifies the tax on barley; as it does not feem to have reduced the quantity confumed, and as, though fevere on the middle and lower orders of the people, they are enabled to bear it by the increase of wages which labour has received.

The author next fuggefts the improvements which, he thinks, might be made in the country, and confequently in the revenue. The means which he recommends are," to take off the restrictions on trade, and increase productive labour." As "the materials to produce this end," he first proposes the fale of his Majefty's forests, and the cultivation of the waste lands. On the advantages of these measures he expatiates at large; but, we apprehend, neither of them is fo univerfally practicable as he fuppofes, and in moft inftances, where they are likely to prove beneficial, they are gradually and progreffively taking place. He is candid enough to admit, that the abolition of ithes (which has been urged by fo many agricultural schemers) would be a manifeft injustice to those who poffefs them;" but thinks that a farmer taking a leafe for 21 years of improvable land," should be informed what his charges would be for his tithe." This author would alfo abolish the affize of bread, and the reftriction of the interest of money to 5 per cent. It cannot be expected that we fhould difcufs thefe topics with him; but fome of his fuggestions are worth atten

tion.

INVASION.

ART. 34. The Loyalift; containing original and flet Papers; intended to rouse and animate the British Nation, during the prefent important Crifis; and to direct its united Energies against the perfidious Attempts of a malignant, cruel, and impious Foe. Addreffed to all patriotic Perfons, particularly to the Soldiers, Sailors, and Loyal Volunteers, throughaut England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. Recommended for liberal Diftribution in every City, Town, Village, Camp, and Cottage of the United Kingdom. Vol. I. 336 pp. 5s. Hatchard, Piccadilly. 1803.

This patriotic publication, the first number of which we noticed in September laft (p. 328) has now been extended to a complete volume,

confifting

confifting of twenty numbers. In this form, it comprehends not lefs than 150 different articles, many of them original and peculiar to this work, and many republications of the most valuable papers which the occafion has produced. We cannot poffibly recommend to our readers any more comprehenfive manual of patriotic inftruction and exhortation, the feparate numbers of which may with advantage be diributed in different places, as they may appear moft applicable to local circunftances. The whole may claim a well-deferved place on the fhelves of those who partake, and wish to commemorate and diffuse the generous ardour which appears throughout these pages, for all that is loyal, and all that is truly British.

ART. 35. Old Times; or every Briton a Soldier. Addressed to the Freeholders and other Inhabitants liable to be ballotted to ferve in the Armaments of the County of Salop. By Rowland Hunt, Efq. Fourth Edition. With Notes, and an Appendix. 8vo. 18 pp. 44. Eddowes, Shrewsbury. 1803.

This very useful and fenfible tract, was printed originally in De cember, 1796, and is now reprinted, with notes applying it more fully to the prefent times. It is fuch an addrefs as is moft calculated to rouse the spirit of Britons to be willing to take arms in defence of their country, and to "think foul fcorn," as Queen Befs faid, that any foreigners fhould dare to invade it. In the Addrefs to Volunteers at the end, it is very happily faid, "a yeoman foldier, my friends, is no other than a Chriflian and a Briton, IN EARNEST."

ART. 36. Provincial Armaments the Safeguard of Great Britain. Ad dreffed to those who propofe to ferve as Volunteers in the Defence of the Country. Second Edition. By Rowland Hunt, Efq. 8vo. 53 PP. 1s. 6d. Eddowes, Shrewsbury; Hatchard, London. 1803.

Another production of the fame patriotic pen, partly published before, in 1797, and partly added now in the form of fupplement. This additional matter, which almost equals the former in extent, begins at p. 31. In the former part, the author explains the duties of freeholders, and their motives for performing them; in the latter, be par ticularly dwells upon the example of the time of the Spanish Armada, as to the preparations for defending the country; he also compares the circumftances of the times, and adverts to the fuppreffion of the rebellion in Ireland, and the lamented death and glorious example of Lord Kilwarden. The whole forms a moft inftructive and perfectly intelligible admonition to Britons in general.

ART. 37. Address to the Merchants and Ocwners of the mercantile Navy of the United Kingdom, on the Advantages of the Marine Volunteer Service. Second Edition. Dedicated, with Permission, to the Right Hon. the Earl of St. Vincent. By Rowland Hunt, Efq. 8vo. 30PP. IS. Eddowes, and Hatchard. 1803.

This third tract in the feries recommends preparation on the coafts, but particularly of fmall craft of every kind, in all pofitions liable to

a:tack;