from the beginning *. I say this, however, with all due submission and deference, for I am far from considering myself as a proper judge in so nice a question. What then is the conclusion of the whole? It is precisely that we follow the admonition of the wise man, with which we began, that we fear the Lord and the king, and meddle not with them that are given to change. Whilst we sincerely repent of the misimprovement of former mercies, which have provoked Heaven against us, let us act as free, yet not using our liberty for a cloke of maliciousness, a practice too common in these days, but as the servants of God; entertaining a proper detestation of that modern political hypocrisy, which, under the disguise of patriotism (a name once respectable, now brought into disgrace by frequent misapplication), attempts to screen the worst designs and most pernicious practices. Let us often reflect that it is no new thing to find men who promise liberty to others, while they themselves are the servants of corruption *. Such there were in the days of the Apostles. Of such, Peter in particular warns Christians to beware. The description he gives of them bears too striking a resemblance, in many principal features, to the factious and disaffected of our own time, not to deserve our most serious attention. Like some of our * Dr Tucker has advanced some very plausible arguments in support of this measure. See his Tracts. + 2 Peter ii. 19. American orators and popular tribunes, they delighted in a boastful, tumid, and bombastic diction. They spoke GREAT SWELLING words of vanity. They despised government, were presumptuous, self-willed, and not afraid to speak evil of dignities †. In regard to the body of the people, our deluded fellow-subjects on the other side of the Atlantic, let us consider them as objects of our pity, more than of our indignation. In behalf of the mere populace, the unthinking multitude, it may with truth be pleaded almost in every insurrection, that their ignorance is their apology. They know not what they do. They are but the tools of a few aspir ing, interested, and designing men, both on their side of the water and on ours. Already, alas! they have severely felt the effects of their folly. Let us ardently pray to the Father of lights and of mercy, that he would open the eyes of the people, and turn the hearts of their leaders. Too long already have they been wandering in the dark, not knowing whither. Pretending to pursue liberty, they have turned their back upon it, they have fled from it. Seeking to avoid slavery, they have plunged headlong into it! May God who ruleth the raging of the sea, and stilleth the noise of the waves, still the tumults of the people! May he soon restore them to their senses, for their sakes and ours! * 2 Peter ii. 18. † 2 Peter ii. 10. It is neither our duty nor our interest to wish them, or any part of the British dominions, in a state of servitude, but we ought to wish and pray, that all our present differences may be composed in such a manner, as, by providing against the like disturbances in time to come, may effectually secure a lasting peace. This is not more for our benefit than it is for theirs. And indeed the interest of both, if rightly understood, will be found to be the same. The radical evil in their governments seems to have been, even in the judgment of some of their friends, that the constituent members of their states were not equally balanced; the republican part was more than a counterpoise to both the rest. This, to superficial thinkers (who conceive democracy and freedom as synonymous) is regarded as so much gained to the side of liberty. There is not a more egregious error. The effect is indeed constantly an increase of licentiousness; than which no kind of tyranny is a greater enemy to rational and civil liberty. If recourse is had to matter of fact, I am persuaded those colonial governments will be found to have been the most turbulent, the most unhappy, the most licentious, I will add, the most intolerant, and such as by consequence gave the least security to the liberty and property of individuals, wherein the excess of power on the democratical side has been the greatest. May God, who bringeth light out of darkness, and order out of confusion, make all our troubles terminate in what shall prove the felicity of all ! * See Mr Burke's Speech, March 1775. TABLE, Containing a summary of all the particulars above treated. ADVERTISEMENT, APOLOGY for examining this subject in a sermon, and Page The guilty authors but few,-the multitude misled by their arts. The utility of exposing these arts early DIVISION. Observations, 1. on the rights of magistracy.-2. on the grounds of the present colonial war PART I. Alterations constitutionally made not innovations The duty of subjects obedience. The principle of non-resistance in any case, not justly, deducible. General precepts often admit exceptions 403 406 ib 407 The very reason of the precept shows there may be cases excepted 408 The cause which justifies resistance must be.-1. important. 409 lows not, that every such command may be resisted 418 -2. public. The cause of the whole not of a part. Toleration in religion, a natural right. The chief limits to civil laws, the impossible and the immoral 413 The support of an establishment, whatever it be, generally favourable to public tranquillity, and therefore entitled to acquiescence or passive obedience 414 If uncommon barbarity may excuse resistance in a private cause, it can never exalt it into a virtue, as in the cause of the public. It is even virtuous to resign a private right for the good of society -3. understood by the community to be both important and public. When doubtful, our only safe guide the precept 415 417 A right in the people to resist in cases of necessity, cannot justify resistance, where the necessity is not real. Note 418 The author's reason for not recurring to the original compact 419 Obj. These principles unfriendly to improvement,-answered. Criminal innovations may originate with the rulers 421 The case of Charles I. and the long parliament The madness of destroying a good constitution, in the hope of erecting a better in its stead 422 423 PART II. The present question important 424 It affects the whole legislature. The right of taxing America the hinge of the controversy 426 This right favoured,-1. by custom, both before and since the revolution ib. -2. by the colonial charters 427 ib. -3. by the practice of the legislature in other articles The doctrine of an essential difference between money acts and other acts, ridiculous. Restraints on trade reciprocal 428 American objection to British laws from the want of their consent Ans. If consent were necessary, none would be bound by a law, but they who voted for it. The futility of what is called virtual or implied, consent 429 431 |