Sivut kuvina


restricted these benevolent labors, and discouraged the further conversion of the islanders. Thus, as often elsewhere in Asia, the interests of true religion were sacrificed upon the altar of mammon, and the knowledge of salvation withheld for money. A dictionary of the native language was compiled by one of the ministers, which remained in manuscript till it was printed a few years since at Batavia, by the Dutch government. During the struggles ensuent upon the overthrow of the Ming dynasty, many thousands of families emigrated to Formosa, some of whom settled under the Dutch, and others planted separate colonies; their industry soon changed the desolate island into a cultivated country, and increased the produce of rice and sugar for exportation. The immigration went on so rapidly as to alarm the Dutch, who, instead of taking wise measures to conciliate and instruct the colonists, tried to prevent their landing, and thereby did much to irritate them, and lead them to join in any likely attempt to expel the foreigners. Meanwhile, their trade with China itself was trifling, compared with that of their rivals, the Portuguese, and when the undoubted ascendency of the Manchus was evident, the government of Batavia resolved to dispatch a deputation to Canton, to petition for trade. In January, 1653, Schedel was sent in a richly freighted ship, but the Portuguese succeeded in preventing any further traffic, even after the envoy had spent considerable sums in presents to the authorities, and obtained the governor's promise to allow his countrymen to build a factory. Schedel was informed, however, that his masters would do well to send an ambassy to Peking, a suggestion favorably entertained by the Company in Europe, who, in 1655, appointed Goyer and Keyzer, two eminent merchants at Batavia as their envoys. The narrative of this ambassy was written with great minuteness by Nieuhoff, the steward of the mission, and made Europeans better acquainted with the country than they had before been—almost the only practical benefit it produced, for as a mercantile speculation, it proved nearly a total loss. Their presents were received and others given in return; they prostrated themselves not only before the emperor in person, but made the kotau to his name, his letters, and his throne, doing everything in the way of humiliation and homage likely to please the new rulers. The only privilege their subserviency obtained was permission to send an ambassy once in eight years, at which time they might come in four ships to trade. This ill success is ascribed with some reason, to the adverse influence of the Jesuits, but it is likely too, that their former forcible seizure of the Pescadores, and present occupation of Formosa, joined to the ignorance and disregard of the Manchus of the advantages of trade, contributed to the result. This mission left China in 1657, and very soon after, the Chinese chieftain, Ching Chingkung (Koshinga, or Koxinga as his name is written by the Portuguese) began to prepare an attack upon Formosa. The Dutch had foreseen the probability of this, and had been strengthening the garrison of Zealandia since 1650, while they were negotiating for trade with the Manchus; Koxinga, too, had confined himself to sending emissaries among his countrymen on Formosa, to inform them of his designs. He set about preparing an armament at Amoy, ostensibly to strengthen himself against the Manchus, and continued his ordinary traffic with the colony to lull all apprehensions until the Dutch council had sent away the admiral and force dispatched from Java to protect them, when he landed a force of 25,000 troops, and took up a strong position. The communication between the forts being cut off, the governor sent two hundred and forty men to dislodge the enemy, only half of whom returned alive; one of the four ships in the harbor was burned by the Chinese, and another sailed away to Batavia for reinforcements. Koxinga followed up these successes by cutting off all communication between the garrison and the surrounding country, and compelling the surrender of the garrison and cannon in the small fort. Fort Zealandia was closely invested, but finding himself severely galled, he turned the siege into a blockade, and vented his rage against the Dutch living in the surrounding country, and such Chinese as abetted them. Some of the ministers and schoolmasters were seized and crucified, under the pretext that they encouraged their parishioners to resist; others were used as agents to treat concerning the surrender of the fort. Nieuhoff, from whom these details are extracted, relates an anecdote of one of these ministers worthy of perusal.

“Among the Dutch prisoners taken in the country, was one Mr. Hambrocock, a minister. This man was sent by Koxinga to the governor, to propose terms for surrendering the fort; and that in case of refusal, vengeance would be taken on the Dutch prisoners. Mr. Hambrocock came


into the castle, being forced to leave his wife and children behind him as hostages, which sufficiently proved that if he failed in his negociation, they had nothing but death to expect from the chieftain. Yet was he so far from persuading the garrison to surrender, that he encouraged them to a brave defence by hopes of relief, assuring them that Koxinga had lost many of his best ships and soldiers, and began to be weary of the siege. When he had ended, the council of war left it to his choice to stay with them or return to the camp, where he could expect nothing but present death; every one entreated him to stay. He had two daughters within the castle, who hung upon his neck, overwhelmed with grief and tears, to see their father ready to go where they knew he must be sacrificed by the merciless enemy. But he represented to them that having left his wife and two other children as hostages, nothing but death could attend them if he returned not: so unlocking himself from his daughters' arms, and exhorting everybody to a resolute defence, he returned to the camp, telling them at parting, that he hoped he might prove serviceable to his poor fellow-prisoners. Koxinga received his answer sternly; then causing it to be rumored that the prisoners excited the Formosans to rebel, he ordered all the Dutch male prisoners to be slain; some being beheaded, others killed in a more barbarous manner, to the number of 500, their bodies stripped quite naked and buried; nor were the women and children spared, many of them likewise being slain, though some of the best were preserved for the use of the commanders, and the rest sold to the common soldiers. Among the slain were Messrs. Hambrocock, Mus, and Winshaim, clergymen, and many schoolmasters.”—Chi. Rep., Vol. II. p. 414.

A force of ten ships and seven hundred men arriving from Batavia, the besieged began to act on the offensive, but were unable to drive Koxinga from the town, though they checked his operations, and concentrated the garrisons at Kilung and Tanshwui upon one point. A letter from the governor of Fuhkien to Coyet, the Dutch governor, came soon after, suggesting a junction of their forces to drive Koxinga away from the coast, after which both could easily conquer him in Formosa. This proposal was followed, and no sooner had the five vessels gone, than Koxinga made his advances so vigorously that the garrison was forced to surrender, after a siege of nine months, and the loss of 1600 men. Thus ended the Dutch rule in Formosa, after twenty-eight years' duration.

This loss induced the council at Batavia to prosecute their former enterprise against Amoy, where Koxinga still had a garrison. Twelve vessels were fitted out under Bort, who arrived in 1662, at the mouth of the river Min, where he was visited by deputies

from the governor, and induced to send two of his officers to arrange with him concerning operations. - The governor was in the country, and the two officers, on reaching his camp, soon saw that there could be no cordiality between their leaders; for this proposal of a foreign power to assist them against the Chinese was too much like that of Wu Sankwei to their chieftains in 1644, for the Manchus to entertain it. Bort, desirous of doing something, commenced a series of attacks on the fleet and garrisons of Koxinga, burning and destroying them in a piratical manner, that was not less ineffectual towards regaining Formosa and obtaining privilege of trade at Canton, than harassing to the Chinese on the coast. He returned to Batavia in 1663, and was dispatched to Fuhkien in a few months with a stronger force, and ordered to make reprisals on both Manchus and Chinese, if necessary, in order to get satisfaction for the loss of Formosa. The governor received him favorably, and after a number of skirmishes against the rebellious Chinese, Amoy was taken, and its troops destroyed, which completed the subjugation of the province to the Manchus. As a reward for this assistance, the real value of which cannot, however, be easily ascertained, the governor lent two junks to the Dutch to retake Formosa, but Koxinga laughed at the pitiful force sent against him, and Bort sailed for Batavia. These results so chagrined the council, that they fitted out no more expeditions, preferring to dispatch an ambassy, under Van Hoorn, to Peking, to petition for trade and permission to erect factories. He landed at Fuhchau in 1664, where he was received in a polite manner. The imperial sanction had been already received, but he unwisely delayed his journey to the capital until his cargo was sold. While discussing this matter, the Dutch seized a Chinese vessel bringing bullion from Java contrary to their colonial regulations, and the governor very properly intimated, that until restitution was made, no amicable arrangement could be completed; so that Van Hoorn, in order to save his dignity, and not contravene the orders of his own government, was obliged to allow the bullion to be carried off, as if by force, by a police officer. These preliminary disputes were not settled till nearly a year after the arrival of Van Hoorn. He and his suite at last em. barked on the Min, and after a tedious journey up that river, and across the mountains to Hangchaufu, they reached the canal

v.AN Hoorn AND VAN BRAAM's AMBAssies. 443 o

and the capital, having been six months on the way, “during which they saw 37 cities and 335 villages.” The same succes. sion of prostrations before an empty throne, followed by state banquets, and accompanied by the presentation and conferring of presents, characterized the reception of this ambassy, as it had all its predecessors. It ended with a similar farce, alike pleasing to the haughty court which received it, and unworthy the Christian nation which gave it; and the “only result of this grand expedition was a sealed letter, of the contents of which they were wholly ignorant, but which did not, in fact, grant any of the privileges they so anxiously solicited.” They had, by their performance of the act of prostration, caused their nation to be enrolled among the tributaries of the grand khan, and then were dismissed as loyal subjects should be, at the will of their liege lord, with what he chose to give them. The Dutch sent no more ambassies to Peking for 130 years, but carried on their trade at Canton on the same footing as other nations. The ill-success of Macartney's ambassy in 1793, induced Van Braam, the consular agent at Canton, to propose a mission of salutation and respect to the emperor from the government of Batavia, on the occasion of his reaching the sixtieth year of his reign. He hoped, by conforming to the Chinese ceremonies, to obtain some privileges which would place their trade on a better footing, but one would have supposed that the ill success of the former attempts would have convinced him that nothing was to be gained by new humiliations before a court which had just dismissed a well-appointed ambassy. The Company appointed Isaac Titsingh, late from Japan, as chief commissioner, giving Van Braam the second place, and making up their cortége with a number of clerks and interpreters, one of whom, De Guignes, wrote the results of his researches during a long residence in Canton, and his travels with the ambassy to Peking, under the title of Voyages à Peking. It is needless to detail the annoyances, humiliations and contemptuous treatment the Dutch ambassy experienced on its overland journey in midwinter, and the degrading manner in which the emperor received the envoys: his hauteur was a befitting foil to their servility, at once exhibiting both his pride and their ignorance of their true position and rights. They were brought to the capital like malefactors, treated when there like beggars, and then sent back to Canton like

« EdellinenJatka »