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statement to the House, because, as he had before observed, considerable misapprehension and very erroneous impressions existed in the public mind on the subject. With out a further statement at that late hour, he should conclude by moving for a Select Committee, for the purposes he had endeavoured to explain to the House.

Motion made, and Question proposed "That a Select Committee be appointed to consider the principle of Amalgamation as applied to Railway, or Railway and Canal Bills, about to be brought under the consideration of Parliament, and to consider the principles which ought to guide the House in Railway Legislation."

come under the operation of the proposed Committee? If so, he should be satisfied; if not, he must himself press it upon the attention of the House.

MR. HUDSON said, he hoped that Parliament would not force upon companies the execution of schemes which must involve considerable loss. He trusted that the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would confine his Committee to the principles which he had laid down. They were extensive enough; indeed, he thought, far too extensive. Do not let them go into the question of abandoned railways, and call upon companies to complete worthless schemes. He was rather surprised to find the hon. Member opposite (Mr. Locke) proposing what he did.

These

MR. LOCKE begged to express his gratification at the observations of the right hon. Gentleman, with reference to the decrease of railway accidents, which he was sure the public would learn with great MR. LAING said, he was himself much satisfaction. He was also gratified at his interested in railways, and he begged to statement, that the Committee was not to thank the right hon. Gentleman the enter on the question of interference with President of the Board of Trade for this the management of railway boards, for he measure, as well as for the terms in was convinced that if the Government in which he had spoken of that muchany way lessened the responsibilities of the calumniated and rather unpopular class, directors, there would not be a likelihood the railway interest generally. of a still greater decrease of accidents. If questions were of that importance that he understood the right hon. Gentleman made it desirable they should be invescorrectly, the Committee was to inquire tigated and settled as soon as possible, into the powers of railway comparies, and on some sound and intelligible footing. also to inquire how far the powers allowed No persons were more anxious than had been fulfilled. He would put this railway directors for this, and he did hope case:-A company came to Parliament, that an effort would now be made to and asked for powers to complete a rail- remedy the evils of railway legislation, way; these powers it allowed to expire, and settle it on a sounder and better basis and after the lapse of a considerable time for the future. In 1844 a Select Comleft the landowners and the country totally mittee was appointed, and the subject without the line they had expected. Such was investigated by them with great care. companies there were in Parliament this The principles embodied in their report year, asking for other powers, whilst they had never been impugned; but those had not executed those already granted principles were swept away in the vortex them. That was a case requiring con- of speculation which afterwards took place, sideration. But he could instance a still and the consequence was, that we had now stronger one. A railway company obtain- in round numbers 7,000 miles of railway, ed from that House power to execute a which had cost us 36,000l. per mile, equal railway of given length; after three or four to a sum of 250,000,000l. sterling. Look years their funds became deficient; they at the cost of railways in other countries— determined to stop all further proceedings; in France, for example-where, the price they appointed a committee; that com- of iron and materials being higher, you mittee recommended them to go half way, might expect the cost of a railway to be and no further; the shareholders agreed. greater even than in England; but it was, What, he asked, would be the disposition in fact, many thousands of pounds a mile of Parliament with reference to such a less. He believed there was no more company-a company which, having ob- certain proposition than that the tained powers on the supposition that it of anything, whether railway travelling, was to go the whole distance, fancied sub- corn, or cotton, would in the long run be sequently that it had a right to make regulated by the prime cost of the article. merely a portion of the line? He wanted If they, therefore, multiplied lines of railto know whether a case of that kind would way where one would suffice, they incurred

cost

so much the more expense, and in the long run the public would have to pay so much the more for the accommodation afforded. A great source of the complaints now so rife amongst the public arose from the state into which the property of the companies had been brought by legislation and other circumstances; for after so many years' increasing traffic, it would be found, on looking at the share list, that the great of bulk of it was at a discount, or paying very inadequate returns for the capital invested. With regard to the accidents on railways, their number had been much overrated. Looking at the number and speed of the trains and the number of passengers they conveyed, the wonder was not that so many but that so few accidents should have taken place, and that the number should be small when compared either with what took place under the former system of travelling, or on the foreign railroads. The true interests of the public and the companies were, he believed, identical; and if amalgamations were to be carried into effect, it must not be on the ground of advantage resulting to the railway interest, but to the public. The extravagant cost of the railways of this country sufficiently showed the vice of the system under which they had been constructed. We had, as he had previously stated, 7,000 miles of railway, which had cost at an average 36,000l. a mile, or 250,000,000l. in the whole; whereas the French lines had been constructed at an average of 25,000l. a mile, and from 15,000l. to 20,000l. for the branch lines. If we had the thing to do over again, every one acknowledged that it would be perfectly practicable to construct the railways in this country, at the same cost per mile as in France; and, even allowing 25,000l. per mile, the actual cost being 36,000l., it followed that there had been a useless outlay to the amount of something like 70,000,000l. of capital all wasted as completely as if it had been thrown into the sea. He doubted not that if our railways had to be made over again, the saving of cost might amount to fully this

sum.

MR. GLADSTONE said, he was very glad that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bankes) proposed to appoint this Committee. It was quite obvious that the subject of railway amalgamation among the great companies deserved every attention. Even if it had not now been proposed to amalgamate those concerns, yet

the state into which railway companies without legislative powers of regulation had come, would by this time have deserved the attention of Parliament, and the amalgamation which it was now proposed to effect gave a favourable opportunity of re-opening the whole question. He agreed entirely with what fell from the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, so far as it went; but he could not help hoping that the matter would be carried a little further, and some solution attempted to the great difficulties which had heretofore attended the question of railway legislation. One great effort to solve those difficulties had been made by the Government of Sir Robert Peel in 1844 and 1845, which failed in the face of difficulties that had undoubtedly prevented its being followed up hitherto. At the same time he thought the experience of seven or eight years had produced great regret in the public that it had not been followed up. They had seen enormous evils resulting from the incapacity—he was sorry to use this term, and on no other subject would he consent to use it—or the cowardice of Parliament in dealing with the subject. Parliament had never grappled with its difficulties, and the consequences had been the loss of 70,000,0001. of capital, as stated by his hon. Friend who spoke last, the execution of the works in a less perfect style, and a great increase of public dissatisfaction. Not only this, but railway speculation in times of commercial prosperity assumed so extravagant and feverish a character that all parties ran mad with it, and it become one of the great causes of commercial derangement. He was one of those who thought no good was to be effected by the intermeddling of Government departments. The only method to which he looked with hope, as likely to yield advantageous results, and lead to a better system, was the establishment of a community of interests between the railway companies and the public. He hoped Her Majesty's Government would lay down a plan, not merely in reference to details, but embracing the whole question of railways; and he trusted some measure would be established-something like system-to guide Parliament on all future occasions.

MR. COWAN said, he was convinced that many amalgamations, if properly carried out, would prove of great public advantage. He would suggest that some better means should be taken for procuring

the aid of the railways, in providing for the mail service of the country; and he wished to know how Bills about to be applied for in the present Session would be affected by the proposed Committee?

GENERAL ANSON said, he was glad that the purview of the Committee was to be so extended as to include every description of case which implied amalgamation, such as leases and arrangements; for he was now satisfied that the inquiry wonld be as extensive as he could wish it. He was convinced that the system under which we were at present proceeding, was extremely injurious to all those who had invested capital in these concerns.

MR. MANGLES trusted that the right hon. Gentleman would not rest satisfied with the Report of the Committee, but that he would adopt some final legislation on the subject,

MR. EVELYN DENISON said, he considered that competition afforded no real security as regarded the conduct of railway companies, and that, if these measures of amalgamation were sanctioned, competition would become a mere dead letter. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade would propose this Committee as soon as possible, and that it would meet before the recess, so as to arrange their course of proceeding, and to give such intimations as they could to guide the different railway companies

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NEW ULSTER AND THE NEW ZEALAND
COMPANY.

The DUKE of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from the inhabitants of the Province of New Ulster, in New Zealand, urging on their Lordships' House the impolicy and injustice of burthening the revenues of the Colony for the losses sustained by the New Zealand Company. He was not going to trouble their Lordships by reading the petition, because it was probable that in some form or other the subject to which it related would again have to be discussed in the course of the present Session of Parliament; for he anticipated that, before long, the legislation of last Session, with reference to the colony of New Zealand, would elicit such remonstrances from the settlers on the subject of the claims of the New Zealand Company as would render it incumbent on their Lordships to raise the question in some shape or other. In New Ulster the New Zealand Company never purchased land at all, and their whole operations were calculated to inflict injury rather than advantage on the colonists.

MR. HENLEY said, it would be for the Committee carefully to consider the The EARL of DESART said, he rather tion thrown out by the hon. Member for wished to remove an impression which exEdinburgh (Mr. Cowan), which he regard- isted in that House, that the present Goed as a most important one. As soon as vernment had had anything to do with the the question of railway amalgamation legislation of which this petition complainshould be disposed of, he should endeavoured. The real fact was, that the only to lay down some definite rules of railway legislation which had fallen into the hands management which should prove satisfac- of the present Government relative to New tory. He would only observe, with refer-Zealand was that contained in the imporence to some observations that had been made, that though under the system of this country hitherto railways had cost more money, and we had perhaps had more made than was necessary, we had yet attained to a higher speed than was generally accessible on the Continent. With reference to the Committee, he should wish it to consist as little as possible of Members connected with the railway interest,

Motion agreed to.

The House adjourned at a quarter before Two o'clock.

VOL. CXXIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

tant Act of last Session giving a new constitution to that rising colony. When that was under consideration, the Government did not think it a fit time to enter on a consideration of the conflicting interests of associations and colonists, but took all those interests precisely as they found them. They would, they thought, incur a serious responsibility if they failed to confer institutions on the colony which experience showed were likely to prove beneficial.

The DUKE of NEWCASTLE said, he certainly could not allow the observations which had fallen from the noble Earl opposite to pass altogether unnoticed; because

2 M

that an obnoxious proposition had been passed, and one about which grave remonstrances were presented, that they should come forward and say they were not responsible for that part of the measure, He protested against such a doctrine.

he must remind the noble Earl that not | House, and succeed in carrying it through only in the last Session of Parliament, in Parliament, and then, when they found the other House of Parliament, but on the hustings also, the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Sir J. Pakington) took the greatest possible credit for the legislation with reference to the constitution of New Zealand; and he (the Duke of Newcastle) thought, if the Government deemed it just at that time to take credit for the constitution they gave to New Zealand, they were not now entitled to wash their hands of that

And

Petition read, and ordered to lie on the table.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. LORD LYNDHURST; My Lords, I beg to call your Lordships' attention to the Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of the University of Cambridge, and the respective studies and discipline there, and which report has been on the table of your Lordships' House. Your Lordships are no doubt aware of the charges which have been repeatedly preferred of late years against the two Uni

laid

pineness, and indifference to improvement

measure, which imposed on the inhabitants of the colony debts to which they were not liable. The Government ought to do one of two things-they ought either to disown the measure, or to take on themselves the whole responsibility of it. when the noble Earl said the Government found certain conflicting interests, and that they did not think it was right to consider the Colony on the one hand, or the Com-versities, accusing them of negligence, supany on the other, with reference to the claims which they admitted and the claims which they denied, he would remind the noble Earl that this was exactly what they had done, and what he had urged them not to do. This question between the Colony and the New Zealand Company was of a very serious nature, and the argument which he (the Duke of Newcastle) used when the measure for granting a constitution to New Zealand was under dis

and not only indifference to improvement with regard to the discipline of those learned bodies, but an absolute disposition to these charges against the University of to oppose all improvement. With respect to these charges against the University of Cambridge, I wish to direct your Lordships' notice to a few passages which are contained in the Commissioners' Report. The Commissioners say―

"Before we conclude this Report, it is with un

that we endeavour in a few words to indicate the

cussion, was this: "Do not attempt to feigned pleasure that we attempt another task; legislate upon this question between the points wherein the University has in modern times Colony and this Company now; wait for shown in the spirit of her administration her wilfurther information; do not prejudge the lingness to enlarge the cycle of her studies, and to question, and impose a tax upon the people modify her institutions so far as the rigid severity for the liquidation of a debt which they supplied by our evidence that the University has of her laws permitted. We have abundant proofs say they are not liable to pay until you been liberal in the general administration of her have heard their remonstrances, and until funds, not husbanding them parsimoniously, but you have an opportunity of investigating bestowing them to the very limits of her power the grave charges which the colonists Nor should we fail to notice the vote of a comupon objects of great academical importance, have made against the New Zealand Committee to revise the statutes of the University, pany." That was precisely the argu- with a view to petitioning Your Majesty for Your ment he used; and but for the conduct of Royal sanction to an amended code of University the Government, he believed that part of laws. This committee was voted by the Senate the measure would never have passed into had been by any one anticipated. That the Unisome time before the issue of a Royal Commission a law. He did not mean to say that the versity was ready to enlarge its cycle of studies, noble Earl or the right hon. Gentleman is proved by its instituting new triposes of the the Secretary of State for the Colonies moral and natural sciences, and thus affording to (Sir J. Pakington) were, solely or originally, most of the professors an extended field of usefulresponsible for the legislation in question; he was ready to admit that the same view which they had taken of it was taken by the noble Earl recently at the head of the Colonial Office (Earl Grey); but it would be a novel doctrine if a Government should introduce a measure of legislation in that

ness.

leges, which in several instances have, at a great A like spirit has been shown by the colcost, and no small sacrifice of personal interests, enlarged their buildings, and in all cases shown themselves careful guardians of their corporate property, by foregoing a part of the income of the

existing body, with a view to the prospective benefit of the society. Many of the colleges also have sought wholesome modifications of their statutes,

given up valueless or injurious privileges, and gone to the full extent of their powers in obtaining the removal of restrictions which prejudicially limited the free election to their fellowships and scholarships. All these were spontaneous acts, and in the right direction. We regard them as the marks of a wise and honourable spirit, and they have been in good part suggestive to ourselves of the reforms we have ventured to recommend." In another part of their Report the Commissioners observe as follows:

"One happy circumstance in the position of the University is deserving of special comment. A great majority of the college fellowships have long been open to free competition; this has given to the University a high moral elevation, and contributed in a high degree to make her the honoured instrument of public good. The same condition marks the distribution of many valued University prizes. It is, we think, this fact which has called forth a high sentiment of honour, and an unbending sense of public duty on the part of the governing powers and examiners, whether of the colleges or of the University. That the rewards of competition be given to the most worthy is a principle now so deeply penetrating the moral life of Cambridge, that its violation seems almost beyond the region of thought.

"What above all other things gives us hope for the future good of Cambridge, is the manly, free, and truth-loving character of her sons, springing in part, at least, from her collegiate system, the character of her studies, and the uprightness of her administration, producing in return confidence and goodwill on the part of those committed to

her care.

In all her members she believes that

she possesses a body of men, who, strong in their historical remembrances. cling to what is truly good, would seek for no needless change, and would admit of no change which had not the fair promise of scientific, moral, and religious benefit." My Lords, as one of the oldest members of the University of Cambridgehaving been a member of the Synod of that body for nearly sixty years-having represented the University of Cambridge in successive Parliaments- and holding, at present, a high office in that learned society-I thought it my duty to read these passages from the Report of the Commissioners, as affording the best answer to the charges, so often reiterated, to which I have referred, and which, I am sure, can have risen only from entire ignorance of what is passing within the walls of the University, and of the exertions made by that learned body to improve and extend, as far as their limited authority admits, the benefits of that noble institution. I hope your Lordships will excuse me for this intrusion.

SELECT COMMITTEES. EARL GRANVILLE moved "That, in the event of a division taking place in any Select Committee, the Question proposed,

the Name of the Lord proposing the Question, and the respective Votes thereupon of each Lord present, be entered on the Minutes of Evidence, or on the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Committee (as the case may be), and reported to the House on the report of such Committee." The noble Earl referred to the alterations adopted by the other House in reference to the record of the proceedings of Select Committees; and said that a Committee of their Lordships' House was appointed last year to consider how far those alterations would be applicable to the CommitAs Chairman of the tees of the Lords. Committee he communicated with the Speaker of the House of Commons, who told him that from what he had heard he understood the alterations worked admirably; and, having received the evidence of some Members of the other House, the Committee reported on the subject. He moved their Lordships to agree to the recommendations of the Committee, with some alterations. On that occasion he was defeated, it being argued that it was not desirable to decide so hastily, as the evidence had not been laid before their Lordships. The evidence was now in their hands, and would be found strongly in favour of the Motion he proposed. He was aware that one objection to the Motion was, that it was the practice of their Lordships to assimilate the proceedings of Committees as much as possible to the proceedings of the whole House, and that no divisions were ever recorded in their Lordships' journals. But he did not see the great virtue of the existing regulation with respect to the whole House; for he thought that House, like every other body, would gain by publicity. He called their Lordships' attention, however, to the fact that not only what was said in that House was recorded in the public newspapers, but it was the practice of two noble Peers, having a sort of semi-official position, to make out a list of divisions, which appeared first of all in the newspapers, and afterwards in Hansard. It might be said by some that there was no occasion to publish the divisions in their Lordships' House, as their Lordships represented no constituencies.

Nobody, at any rate, would deny that their Lordships were amenable to public opinion. However, the same argument did not apply to Committees, as they were composed of Peers delegated by their Lordships; and it was desirable that their Lordships should know how the majority and minority were composed. He recollected that in one of the

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