which has been incurred, the contributions | wards the sugar-producing Colonies has to charities, and passing tolls to harbours been inconsistent and incoherent; that which ships never enter. We propose to great unnecessary damage and devastaterminate these three great sources of un- tion have been occasioned; that, as an injust taxation; and we believe that we shall terest, they have been treated in a wanton be able to effect this object by the annual and indefensible manner; but what we have sum of 100,000l. The shipping interest to decide to-night is, what in the present will then have to pay only for the lighthouses state of affairs we can justly do for them, which benefit them-which guide their An hon. Gentleman told us the other night ships and save their lives; and I am sure that especially on subjects of economy he they will no more complain of a tax levied was not fond of sentiment-and upon no upon them for such objects and upon such subject, I believe; but a budget, cerprinciples than any other class of the com-tainly, however various its topics, and howmunity will complain of the peculiar taxes to which they may be subject, but for which they gain in return peculiar advantages. We propose, in the second place, to submit to the consideration of a Committee of the House of Commons the whole question of pilotage, in order that we may arrive at a result which I am sure will be impartial and satisfactory as well as final. We propose that the three Admiralty grievances of which the shipping interest complain-anchorage, salvage, and enlistment -shall be entirely terminated, or at least subject to regulations which will deprive them of the injustice and injury which are so justly complained of. We propose that the subject of manning shall depend upon the adjudication of Parliament on a still more important subject and I am sure the shipping interest will not complain of that arrangement; and with regard to the last point the taxes levied upon them under the head of stamps-that is one which affects the general revenue of the country, and which we will consider when we consider that portion of the general revenue of the country. Sir, I have now placed before the House the general views of Her Majesty's Government with respect to the mercantile marine of the country, and the claims which it has so long urged upon successive Governments. I propose that we shall now consider the claims of the sugar-producing Colonies; and I hope the House will approach the consideration of this subject with the same temper and impartiality with which they have treated the preceding one. We must forget that sugar has been the battlefield of parties. We must form an opinion upon the condition of those Colonies from the stern naked facts which may be placed before us, and not with any recollection of the past. We may deplore the legislation that is past; we may be of opinion, Gentlemen on both sides, that the conduct of this country to ever peculiar the circumstances in which 1852, 976,000 cwt. The East Indies, which sent us 1,037,000 cwt. to November, 1851, sent us 1,300,000 cwt. in the same period of 1852. Our united colonies, if I may so call them, sent us 4,094,000 cwt. in the first ten months of 1851, and 5,373,000 cwt. in the first ten months of 1852. It would appear, then, from this statement, that there is no necessity whatever for reducing the duty on British colonial sugar; and I now have to see whether we ought to arrest the descent of the duties on foreign sugar. I find that the quantity of foreign unrefined sugar entered for home consumption in November, 1851, amounted to 1,218,000 cwt.; but in November, 1852, instead of being 1,218,000 cwt., the quantity entered for home consumption amounted to only 570,000 cwt. I find, also, that the quantity of foreign refined sugar has been reduced, though not proportionately. In November, 1851, the quantity of foreign refined sugar entered for home consumption was 268,000 cwt.; while in November, 1852, it amounted to only 243,000 cwt. It may be said that these are merely figures; but I beg to observe that, in this instance, figures constitute the case. This is a question of figures, and the result of the figures I have quoted is, that there being, in 1851, 4,126,000 cwt. of British sugar against 1,487,000 cwt. of foreign; in 1852 there were 5,378,000 cwt. of British against only 814,000 cwt. of foreign. In other words, British production has increased by 1,250,000 cwt., and foreign production has decreased by about 600,000 cwt. I may be called traitor, I may be called renegade; bnt I want to know whether there is any Gentleman in this House, wherever he may sit, who would recommend a differential duty to prop up a prostrate industry which is actually commanding the metropolitan market, under the circumstances which I have placed before Parliament? It is unnecessary to enter into any argument on the point. No person could think of proposing an increase of differential duties except for the attainment of a definite object. If that object be to give the command of the home market to our colonies, it is already attained. As far as the quantity consumed petition. I should find, under any circum- | in the first ten months of 1851 804,000 stances, great difficulty in making such a cwt., sent us in the first ten months of recommendation; and if I saw the market overwhelmed by foreign productions-if I saw, in consequence of the incoherent and wanton legislation of this country, contradicting their original agreements, and violating their original compact-if I saw ruin falling upon all the sugar-producing colonies of the Crown-I still should probably hesitate before, after the verdict of the country, I could recommend a recourse to differential duties to arrest the progress of such ruin, and to mitigate the suffering the consequence of such legislation. But when I examine the facts, I am not called upon to consider that. When I am asked to arrest the descent of the duties on foreign sugar, and to reduce the duties on British plantation sugar, I naturally inquire what is the state of the market with reference to the production of these two commodities; what is produced by the British plantations which require their duties to be reduced ?-what is produced by the foreign plantations, the descent of the duties on which is to be arrested? Is there such evidence before the House and the country of an impossible rivalry between the British and the foreign sugarproducing colonies that would justify a Government under any circumstances in coming forward to Parliament and asking for factitious protection and support to the British sugar-producing colonies? Sir, this is not a subject of sentiment, as the hon. Gentleman said the other night; it can only be decided by a reference to facts. I shall place before the House the facts as they at present exist; and then I will leave the House-Gentlemen on both sides -to form their opinions. By the representation which I have just read, we are asked to believe that the competition between our colonial sugar and foreign sugar is a competition that cannot be endured. We can only infer from the remedies which are recommended that ruin will be the necessary consequence of such a change in the duties not being adopted. But I will ask the House for a moment to attend to the last return which I have here drawn up to the 5th of November, of the quantities of sugar, refined and unrefined, entered for home consumption in the United Kingdom in the first ten months of 1851 and 1852. In that period of 1851 there were entered for home consumption 2,251,000 cwt. of West India sugar; in 1852, 3,094,000 cwt. Mauritius, which sent us which must, after all, be the test of the quantity produced-is concerned, it is quite clear that no alteration of duties could do more than our own sugar-producing colo nies effect. I will not say that our colonies | claims of parties who allege that they are have effected this result by their superior aggrieved, we shall not be advancing energy, because I am unwilling to raise in the great enterprise in which we any controversy on that subject; but the fact have embarked. When, therefore, a body itself admits of no dispute, whatever dif- like the West India Society asks the ference of opinion may prevail as to the Government of this country to sanction a causes which have conduced to this state further loan for the immigration of labour of things. Well, Sir, I am asked to gua- into these colonies, it becomes absolutely rantee additional loans to be raised by the necessary to point out the relations in respective colonies for the purpose of de- which the West India interest stands to fraying the expense of immigration and former loans guaranteed by Parliament, improvement. Now, certainly a more le- and sanctioned by the Legislatures of the gitimate object of exertion on the part of Colonies. Under 11 & 12 Vict. the Gocolonies than the promotion of the immigra-vernment is empowered to guarantee loans tion of foreign labourers cannot be con- to the West India colonies, at 4 per cent ceived; and it is one which ought to be encouraged in every suitable way. I am ready, however, to show to my Friends and the House that the Government have not been inattentive to this subject. Our attention, as well as that of the preceding Government, has been called to the subject of Chinese immigration into the British sugar-producing colonies; and we hold it to be one of the utmost importance. Having, unfortunately, a great deal to say upon other topics, I will not weary the House by going into many details on this subject, although they are all of the most interesting kind. Here, however, lies before me a memorandum of what-as far as the present Government is concerned -has been done on the subject of immigration into the West Indian colonies. [Here the right hon. Gentleman read an extract, which stated that Sir John Pakington had appointed a Government agent to superintend measures for the encouragement of Chinese emigration; that this agent was now established at Hongkong; that by his exertions three shiploads of Chinese labourers had been despatched to Trinidad, and that the colony of British Guiana had, on its own account, made arrangements for importing 1,700 immigrants.] Thus it appears that the Government has already despatched three ships with immigrants, and that British Guiana has placed its private machinery in motion, and is about to import 1,700 more; in short, it is clear that Chinese immigration is going on. When, however, I am asked to come forward and sanction further loans to assist this immigration, I must place before the House some facts conected with the question. Let it not be supposed that I dwell too long on subjects which some may conceive to be not of vast importance. There are great questions to be settled night; and, unless we meet fairly the interest, and not exceeding 500,000l. in the House to suppose that the year 1854 | the consideration of the means by which has arrived, when no differential duty will the general revenue of the country shall remain, but when all sugar-whether fo- be raised; and this is not the moment to reign or colonial-will be subject to an make any observations on that point. equal duty of 10s. It is represented to There is one other subject, however, us that the saccharine matter of foreign on which I must touch before I can prosugar, unrefined, is considerably greater ceed with the general exposition of the in amount than that of British colonial financial scheme which I mean to propose sugar. It appears that every hundred- to the House-and that refers to the local weight of foreign sugar contains about 90 taxation of the country. It is quite unper cent of saccharine matter, while a necessary for me to enter into any of those hundredweight of colonial contains only arguments with which both sides of from 70 to 75 per cent; compared with the the House are so familiar, as to the charcoarse sugar of the East Indies, the differ- acter of the local taxation of the country, rence in favour of the foreign is still or any longer to show that there are greater, being as 90 to 60, or somewhere objects of universal interest which are, thereabouts. The House will perceive in fact, sustained by taxation imposed, not that, under these circumstances, when the upon the general property of the country, duties on both sugars are equal, the raw but upon parts of that property, and produce of which the manufacture termi- upon a peculiar division of it." The nates in bringing forward such a superior whole question has been met so ingearticle, has, in point of fact and in prac-nuously by one who, though opposed to tice, a differential duty in its favour. If the policy I sometimes recommended, is a 10s. were levied on the first, the produce master of the subject-I mean Mr. Corneof which is represented-say, by 90- wall Lewis-that I am perfectly willing, and only 78. on the second, the produce of as far as any reasoning on the subject is which is represented by 60, it might ex- concerned, to rest it on the evidence given press the differential duty in this instance. by that Gentleman before a Committee of The colonists ask to refine their sugar in the House of Lords on the subject of local bond for home consumption-that is, that taxation, and subsequently revised and the Government should take the duty on printed by him in a pamphlet when in ofthe refined produce, and not upon the fice, and, of course, with the sanction of coarse or raw sugar. There are, certainly, the Government to which he belonged. Mr. considerations connected with the revenue Lewis says, that, so far as the principle is of the country which require to be duly concerned, it cannot be contested that the weighed in looking at this demand; but I support of the poor should be a subject of do not think that considerations connected general taxation. There is no question, with the revenue constitute a sufficient perhaps, of such general interest as the ground for resisting the claim of an inter- support of the poor. The support of the est in the position of the West India colo- poor is a matter of general, nay, universal, nies. Here we have an opportunity of obligation; and, so far as the principle is conceding to them a great boon which is concerned, the complaint on this head of a quite consistent with the principle of un- portion of the real property of this restricted competition. I announce, on the country, which has, suffered most by part of the Government, that we are pre- recent legislation, is exceedingly well pared to concede this boon-we think it founded. There could hardly be a differought to be conceded, and we believe it ence of opinion about that; therefore, it is will afford great relief and also give a unnecessary to enter into any discussion fresh impulse to the manufacture of colo- on the subject. Well, Sir, some years nial sugar. Of course, the boon will be since a portion of the real property of this conceded subject to conditions neceesary country-the agricultural interest-during for the protection of the revenue. I will a period of great suffering, became exnot now say anything about the use of mo- tremely sensible of the injustice of the lasses in breweries, or the reduction of the existing system. To be called upon to duty on rum, for the same reason which pay local rates for a subject of universal induced me not to enter into discussion re- obligation, which ought to be maintained specting stamps on charter-parties and by universal contribution, drew their attenmarine insurances-points connected with tion naturally to the incidence of that taxathe shipping interest. They are not tion. They complained of the injustice to questions of peculiar burdens, but enter into this House, and, Sir, I think that in the discussions and divisions which took place | namely, the principle of representationupon the question in this House, they made there is not, on the part of Her Majesty's out a good case. I think, therefore, I Government, the slightest objection to the may assume that we shall have no dispute introduction of the representative principle upon principle, and we have now to con- into this, any more than into any other sider what course we shall take with re- of the public affairs of the country, prospect to taxation which is mainly levied vided it can be done without disadvanfor purposes of general obligation, but is tage to the public good. Therefore, with not levied on the whole community. The reference to the administration of this local taxation of the country is a subject rate, we have no objection whatever to with which the House is now so familiar the adoption of the representative printhat I shall be able to treat it more suc- ciple, if it should be the opinion of the cinctly than I probably should have been House that the ratepayer is entitled to conable to do a short time back. This local trol over the expenditure of the rate. But taxation resolves itself into three principal this fund is a small one, and there are two rates, namely, the highway rate, the items in the rate to which that popular county rate, and that great rate called the principle cannot be well applied-namely, poor-rate; each of which has been in those portions of the rate which are diits turn the subject of much discussion in rected to the maintenance of gaols and this House. The highway rate has been dis- lunatic asylums. This forms the greatcussed in this House chiefly with reference indeed the only-difficulty in the applicato its improved administration. The county tion of that principle to this rate. The rate, though not very considerable in gaols and lunatic asylums have hitherto amount, has excited a large share of public been under the superintendence of the interest from the attempts which have been magistrates; and it is admitted that those made to establish the representative prin- gentlemen have, on the whole, discharged ciple in connexion with its management. their duties in a satisfactory manner, The third is, however, the rate which though, speaking à priori, it might be obhas most occupied public attention, both jected that the control of establishments of as regards its object and its amount-I this kind ought not to be vested even in mean the poor-rate. I will not say any- them. It cannot, I think, be doubted that thing on the subject of the highway rate. the prisons of this country, as a portion of Six Bills have been brought into Parlia- its executive administration, ought to be ment with the view of establishing a bet- very much, if not entirely, under the conter administration of the highway rates; trol of the Executive Government. I and it was my intention not even to have think the time is approaching—and it may adverted to the subject were it not that be rapidly-when we shall have to consider my hon. Friend the Under Secretary the whole question of punishments as one of State-who presided with singular of the most pressing questions of the day; ability and unwearied industry over the and an occasion will perhaps arise when Committee on Turnpike Trusts, and who the Government may feel that they ought on several occasions has, as the House to act with more directness and decision has recognised, proved himself to be a with respect to the management of gaols master of the subject-has, though having than the House would now be prepared to quite enough to do in his own department, sanction. However, at present, taking a been kind enough to assist me in the pre- more limited view of this branch of local paration of a seventh Bill on the subject taxation, let us see what burden it imof highway rates. I hope that this Bill poses on that portion of the property of will, after six experiments, win the con- the country which has suffered most by fidence of the House and the country, and recent legislation; and if we be of opinhave a beneficial effect, both administra- ion that that burden is unjust, let us tively and financially, on the districts affect- consider what remedy we can apply to ed by the highway rate. I now come to the case. In the first place, let me the county rate, which although the smal- remind the House that the incidence of lest of the three, has, from the peculiar the county rate on the property of the circumstances to which I have already ad- country is extremely slight. The rate verted, excited a good deal of interest in amounts to 800,000l., taking into account this House. With respect to the adminis- the deduction of contributions from the tration of this rate, I would here say, that, Consolidated Fund and other sources, to generally speaking, on the first point the extent of 300,000l. Taking this |