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which obliged the Pontiff to shut himself within the narrow circuit of these walls. Finally, they go about saying and repeating that nothing interferes with our doing all that is required for the government of the Church. But, on the contrary, it is well known that they place manifold obstacles in our way; whether, for example, by depriving us of the valid help of the religious families, who are dispersed in the hopes of annihilating them, or by advancing pretended rights to the exequatur on the Pontifical bulls, and to the patronage of the various episcopal sees in Italy. What shall we say also regarding the occupation of churches in Rome, which, closed to public worship, are destined to public uses, the property and dominion of the ecclesiastical authorities in them not only being contested, but even the means of defending their rights at law being denied? What shall we say regarding the door left open to impiety and heresy in this city of Rome, our see and the centre of Catholicism, without its being possible for us to oppose any sufficient and efficacious remedy? And further, when, impelled by love for the Roman people, to our special care confided, we have endeavored, at sacrifices beyond our resources, to counterpoise against the Protestant schools, perilous to the faith, other schools which would give parents every security for the Christian education of their children, we could not do so by employing the Pontifical authority, but solely by using those means which are conceded to any private person whomsoever. From our words you can fully understand, beloved children, how difficult and hard is the condition in which the Roman Pontiff has been placed by the revolution, and how vain are the flattering hopes of those who talk of the possibility of its being accepted on our part. Mindful always of our duties, and knowing what is required for the good of the Church and the dignity of the Roman Pontificate, we shall never acquiesce in the present condition of things; nor shall we cease, as we have never yet ceased, from calling for the restitution of all which by fraud and deceit has been taken from the Apostolic See."

Not content with his letters against socialistic and other crimes, of Jan. 3, the Holy Father, on June 29, issued an encyclical on the duty of subjection to constituted authorities. This letter came at a most opportune time, and it produced excellent results; for society was scarcely recovering from the shock of the assassination of Alexander II., when it was startled with the information that President Garfield had been made the victim of a dastardly assault, which, unfortunately, terminated fatally. As soon as the news reached Rome, the Holy Father hastened to send the following cablegram to Washington:

ROME, Aug. 15, 1881.

HON. JAMES G. BLAINE, Secretary of State, Washington.

As the Holy Father learned with painful surprise and profound sorrow of the horrid attempt of which the President of the Republic was the victim, so now he is happy to felicitate his Excellency upon the news that his precious life is now out of danger, and will ever pray that God may grant him speedy and complete recovery of his health, and long spare him to the benefit of the United States. The undersigned has the honor to join in these sentiments of sincere congratulations, wishes for complete recovery.

L. CARDINAL JACOBINI.

To which Secretary Blaine sent the following

answer:

WASHINGTON, Aug. 22.

TO HIS EMINENCE L. CARDINAL JACOBINI, Rome.

Please convey to his Holiness the sincere thanks with which this Government receives the kind expression of his prayerful inter

est in behalf of our stricken President. Since your message was sent, the President's condition has been changed, and we are now filled with anxiety, but not without hope. The President has been very deeply touched by the pious interest for his recovery shown by all churches, but by none more widely or more devoutly than by those of the Roman-Catholic communion.

JAMES G. BLAINE, Secretary of State.

When, later on, it became known in Rome that President Garfield had succumbed to his injuries, the following correspondence passed between Rome and Washington:

ROME, Sept. 22, 1881.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Washington.

The loss of the illustrious President of the United States, James A. Garfield, caused deep sorrow to the Holy Father. His Holiness directs me to present his condolence to your Excellency and to the Government, and his best wishes for the prosperity of the Republic. L. CARDINAL JACOBINI.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON,
Sept. 22, 1881.

TO HIS EMINENCE CARDINAL JACOBINI, Rome.

The considerate and comprehensive expression of sympathy from his Holiness is very grateful to the bereaved family of the late President; and in their name and in behalf of this Government, I return profound thanks.

BLAINE, Secretary of State.

And here it may be mentioned, that the ink was scarcely dry on the letter the Pope wrote earlier in

the year, exhorting the faithful to do penance for the crimes of the world, and ask Divine forgiveness, when the whole universe was startled by the news of the assassination of Alexander II., Emperor of Russia. Truly prophetic were the utterances of the Holy Father, that "human authority has no checks left sufficient to restrain the untamed spirits of the rebellious." Immediately on hearing of the assassination, his Holiness sent the Cardinal Secretary of State to the two Russian princes then in Rome, to assure them of his unfeigned regret at the sad occurrence. also despatched a telegram to the Emperor Alexander III., expressing his sorrow, and manifesting his good wishes for the prosperity and happiness of the new occupant of the throne of Russia. An answer was shortly afterwards received, conveying the grateful acknowledgment of Alexander III. for the solicitude. of his Holiness.

He

This chapter can conclude in no better way than with the text of the apostolic letters proclaiming the general jubilee of 1881. Here is the apostolic docu

ment:

The apostolic letters of Leo XIII., proclaiming an extraordinary jubilee to the Catholic unity, assign for this Pontifical act the same motive, with one great additional reason, as was assigned by Pius IX. of blessed memory for the convocation of the Vatican Council; namely, the calamitous and disastrous state of the

Christian world. What Pius IX. foresaw approaching,

catalogue of sins and The last use of sove

Leo XIII. has added to the perils which are now upon us. reign liberty in the Pontificate of Pius IX. was to call around him from all the world the episcopate of the Catholic Church. The liberty of the Holy See, so far as the fraud and force of man can bind it, was soon after suspended by the usurpation of Rome. Leo XIII., in publishing the jubilee, tells us that those "who are at enmity with the Catholic name are now becoming insolent beyond measure, in number, power, and audacity of design. Not satisfied with openly casting off the heavenly doctrines, they are striving with supreme effort and assault either to exclude the Church altogether from the civil society of men, or at least to render it powerless in the public life of nations. . . . The bitterest results of this conspiracy of wickedness fall chiefly on the Roman Pontiff; to whom, spoiled of his legitimate rights, and hindered in the exercise of his supreme and manifold prerogatives, there is left a semblance of royal majesty, as if in mockery." After describing the outrages committed in Rome on churches, sanctuaries, religion, and Christian education, and his own state, powerless to protect himself, the Pontiff says, "We are more truly in the power of our enemies than in our own; and that very use of liberty which is conceded to us, forasmuch as it may be taken away or lessened at the

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