Mr. Evelyn Denison expressed his disapprobation of the arrangement for proceeding in the present Session with the Poor Removal Bill, and then proceeded to criticize the construction of the Government. Of the constitution of the new Government he entertained great hopes-hopes of the good effects which their measures were likely to produce in Ireland; but the Ministry appeared to labour under one great defect. It contained many elements of power and strength, but it wanted a just and adequate representation of the landed interest; the great towns were represented, and the lords were more than enough represented, and the Anti-Corn-Law League was represented; but he looked in vain for a powerful parliamentary representation of the landed interest. It was true that the Cabinet contained Lord Lansdowne, a nobleman of large possessions in England, and larger still in Ireland; there were also Lord Grey and Lord Morpeth; but the latter represented rather the commercial interests of the West Riding than the agricultural, and he had besides become a subscriber to the League; Earl Grey's opinions were so extreme that it was difficult to classify him. Mr. Charles Wood, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, could not be considered an ally of the agricultural interest. He repeated, that the landed interest were not adequately represented in the new Government; and, if such a representation would be useful in ordinary times, it was peculiarly so at the time when the agricultural interest had received a rude shock. Mr. Duncombe rose to repeat the question which he had asked Lord J. Russell on a former night, and to ascertain what were the principles on which his Government was formed, and what was the policy which he intended to pursue? At present the House were so ignorant on that subject that nobody knew where to sit. According to all former parliamentary usage, whenever a new man was appointed Prime Minister, it was felt to be a part of his duty to explain the principles on which he intended his Government to be conducted. If the noble lord had said that he would act on the principles of Earl Grey's Administration, or of Lord Melbourne's Administration, he could have understood his meaning; but when the noble lord talked of his principles and his opinions, he puzzled him exceedingly. People asked to which of his opinions Lord John Russell intended to adhere, and at what time those opinions were expressed? He had been told that Lord John Russell had applied to Sir Robert Peel to lend him three distinguished Members of his Government; and he now asked the noble lord whether he really had applied to his great rival for that loan? Не had read in the Weekly Chronicle an article to that effect very ably written, as every thing was that proceeded from the pen of the Secretary of the Admiralty (Mr. Ward); but he did not give any credit to the rumour until he had read it in The Times, which was now the Government organ, vice the Chronicle, superseded. When he saw it publicly stated that the noble lord had applied to Sir Robert Peel for the loan of these three distinguished gentlemen, and that he had been informed by Sir Robert Peel that he did not think that they would join the new Government from a fear of being ac cused of too great a love of place, So, of labour, he would not leave that Lord John Russell explained He the amount of income which its Members derived from land or from commerce. He admitted that he had asked Lord Dalhousie, Lord Lincoln, and Mr. S. Herbert, to do him the honour of becoming his colleagues in the Government. It was his opinion that he should not ask aid of those from whom he differed widely in political opinion; but, at the same time, he thought it of consequence to the honour of the Sovereign and to the welfare of the country, that a ministry should be formed combining in its different members the greatest possible amount of public confidence. Now, with regard to all the great questions which had been agitated within the last two years, he found himself agreeing in opinion with those distinguished colleagues of Sir Robert Peel. He had agreed with them in the measures abolishing monopoly, and establishing free trade, and also in the measures necessary to conciliate Ireland; and, therefore, he saw no loss of honour on their part or his own in seeking a junction between them. They had declined his offer in terms very courteous to himself personally; but he could not reproach himself with any dereliction of duty to his Sovereign in having made them that offer. He then proceeded to state that he considered it necessary to combine in office those who agreed on the principles on which the Administration was to be conducted, but that he did not consider it necessary that they should agree on every question which might come before Parliament. Such was the mode in which statesmen of great names had formed their Administrationsas for instance, Mr. Pitt, in 1784, Mr. Fox, in 1806, and Lord Liverpool subsequently. Sir R. Peel had aimed at a greater union of opinion and identity of conduct than either Mr. Pitt, or Mr. Fox, or Lord Liverpool. But though Sir Robert Peel, from his great talents, had succeeded in that attempt, he did not think it likely that any person would succeed again. He said this, because there were several points upon which the Members of his Administration were not agreed in opinion. For instance, with respect to the Irish Church, he did not concur himself in the opinions of Earl Grey. He then stated the intentions of himself and his colleagues with respect to Ireland. Mr. Osborne could not tell what the effect of the declarations which had just been made by Lord J. Russell might be out of doors; but he was quite certain that, if they had been made when the Liberal members were sitting on the opposition benches, a great number of them would have followed Sir R. Peel, rather than the noble lord. For his own part, after the speech which had just been delivered, he could see no difference between "Tweedledum and Tweedledee.' He had fancied that the great difference between Lord John Russell and Sir R. Peel was occasioned by the Appropriation Clause; but the noble lord had just informed the House that he would not touch the great question of the Irish Church. Now, that Church in its present position was a disgrace to the country. If there were at present no difference between Lord J. Russell and Sir R. Peel as to the measures to be applied towards that Church, what was it that prevented the noble lord, who set so high a value on the benefit to be rendered to the country, from himself serving under Sir R. Peel? He would not say that he intended to withhold his confidence from Her Majesty's present Government; but, in order to test whether that Government deserved confidence, he would bring forward, upon an early day, the motion on the Irish Church which had been so frequently made by Mr. Ward. In conclusion, he praised in very high terms the parting speech of Sir R. Peel, and predicted that, if he acted upon the principles of that speech, he would very shortly be returned to power as the minister of the middle classes. Mr. Hume asked Lord J. Russell whether he was prepared to take into consideration the propirety of abolishing the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Lord J. Russell was of opinion that the office to which Mr. Hume referred could not be abolished present with advantage to the Lord John Russell. Was it to be understood that the noble lord was going to act on his old Whig principles? If so, he had some experience of them, and wanted no more. He reminded the last speaker, that during the whole period when Lord J. Russell was last in office he had been one of the most effective opponents of those principles for which he was now asking a fair trial and impartial consideration. Who was it that had changed? the noble lord, or Mr. B. Escott? He would not decide; but would merely remark, that there was a curious change somewhere. He was one of those who wondered why Sir R. Peel was out of place. It was said to be, because he had brought in the Coercion Bill; but if that were the cause of his removal from place, why was Lord J. Russell in power, who had tried to include in his ministry the Earl of Lincoln, who was the identical man who had introduced that Coercion Bill into the House of Commons? He then en- passed a glowing eulogy on Sir air R. Peel, whose conduct, in carryCorn Bill, had rendered sad him not only beloved, but adored athe by the people of England, and os lamented the apathetic course, the de-little policy, which the present Government seemed inclined to persue. Mr B, scott reminded Mr. T. "uncombe, dat Lord J. Russell was the day w lid, and that thereace was 'ne occasion for him y declaration of his Cad watched the conTusscilvery closely, 36 he had scnica caunelation ། ར་མཐའི་ས 14 comiuct - ing the Mr. Newdegate had not heard any county member complain of moone of the constitution of the present samanos Government on the grounds brought had forward by Mr. E. Denison. The isnded interest had received too bitter a lesson recently to place its confidence rashly in any Government whatsoever. He denied that Sir Peel had acted up to his principles and professions; if he had so acted, he would not have lost -- those Ways the |