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HAMILTON TO

NEW-YORK, June 25th, 1799.

**** You will allow me, however, to remark to you with frankness, that there is in my opinion something too absolute in your manner of declining this service, and that I cannot give my sanction to the sentiment in your letter, contained in these words: "I cannot possibly, except in actual war, separate myself from her [your wife] and my children," &c. You have too much discernment, and too well know the principles of service, not to be sensible that it is the essential condition of military employment that, in peace as in war, an officer shall be ready to execute the trusts, relatively to his station, to which he may be designated. That the peremptory claim of an exemption from this rule cannot be advanced, whatever may be the hope of indulgence towards a very peculiar situation.

Doubtless, therefore, you will see it proper to correct the latitude and force of the expressions which you have used, as transcending your real meaning.

MY DEAR SIR:

MCHENRY TO HAMILTON.

(PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.)

June 27th, 1799.

In answer to yours (just received) of the 25th instant, it will be agreeable to me to see a troop of horse completely organized, that we may ascertain, as far as it is practicable, with so small a model, the improvements of which cavalry are yet susceptible. You may write, therefore, an official letter on the subject, proposing it, and request my final directions. I shall give them.

General W has certainly claims to promotion; and, so far as it respects myself, I shall not oppose it. It will be proper,

however, that General Washington be consulted before the least step be taken in the business. Your maxim is in general a good one. Half confidence is bad. Of this, however, be assured, that until the commercial pursuits of this gentleman with and expectations from Spain are annihilated, he will not deserve the confidence of government. Further, I recommend it to you, most earnestly, to avoid saying any thing to him which would induce him to imagine government had in view any hostile project, however remote, or dependent on events, against any of the possessions of Spain. I require this caution on good grounds.

HAMILTON TO M'HENRY.

NEW-YORK, June 27th, 1799.

It is a pity, my dear sir, and a reproach, that our administration have no general plan. Certainly there ought to be one formed without delay. If the chief is too desultory, his ministry ought to be the more united and steady, and well-settled in some reasonable system of measures.

Among other things, it should be agreed what precise force should be created, naval and land, and this proportioned to the state of our finances. It will be ridiculous to raise troops, and immediately after to disband them. Six ships of the line, and twenty frigates and sloops of war are desirable. More would not now be comparatively expedient. It is desirable to complete and prepare the land force which has been provided for by law. Besides eventual security against invasion, we ought certainly to look to the possession of the Floridas and Louisiana, and we ought to squint at South America.

Is it possible that the accomplishment of these objects can be attended with financial difficulty? I deny the possibility. Our revenue can be considerably reinforced. The progress of the country will quickly supply small deficiencies, and these can be temporarily satisfied by loans, provided our loans are made on

the principle that we require the aliment of European capital,that lenders are to gain, and their gains to be facilitated, not obstructed.

If all this is not true, our situation is much worse than I had any idea of. But I have no doubt that it is easy to devise the means of execution.

And if there was every where a disposition, without prejudice and nonsense, to concert a rational plan, I would cheerfully come to Philadelphia and assist in it; nor can I doubt that success may be insured.

Break this subject to our friend Pickering. His views are sound and energetic. Try together to bring the other gentlemen to a consultation. If there is every where a proper temper, and it is wished, send for me, and I will come.

Yours truly,

A. HAMILTON.

HAMILTON TO M'HENRY.

NEW-YORK, July 2d, 1799.

SIR:

I beg leave to recall your attention to the suggestion contained in my letter of the 21st June, respecting the raising, mounting, and equipping of one of the six additional troops of horse, together with the non-commissioned officers of the other troops-and to request your final direction on the subject.

The service of the cavalry in this country has never been but imperfectly understood. Even in Europe, ideas about the forma tion and tactics of that species of troops appear to be less well settled than about the other branches of military service. It is, in my opinion, very important to possess the means of making an experiment of the different principles in order to the forma tion of a good system, adapted to the geographical circumstances of the country. For this purpose alone a small body of cavalry is indispensable.

SIR:

ADAMS TO HAMILTON.

QUINCY, July 2d, 1799.

Dr. Daniel Parker, of Norton, introduced to me by General Cobb, will have the honor to deliver you this letter. The case of his son, is a very unfortunate one, and I beg leave to introduce him to your kind offices. If the young gentleman can be discharged with propriety, I am desirous it should be done, or if he has dispositions and qualifications for any thing better than the station of a common soldier, I wish he might have it. I am, Sir, with much respect,

MAJOR GENERAL HAMILTON.

Your most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.

ADAMS TO M'HENRY.

QUINCY, July 7th, 1799.

SIR:

As it is an excellent principle for every man in public life to magnify his office and make it honorable, I admire the dexterity with which you dignify yours by representing an army and means adequate to its support as the first thing necessary to make the nation respected. Genius in a general is oftener an instrument of divine vengeance than a guardian angel.

Stoddert, I warrant you, instead of representing the navy as the fourth and last article necessary for national respectability, would have felt the importance of his office enough to have stated the navy as the first and the most indispensable.

It would not be necessary for me to decide the controversy between you; if it should be, I should be at no loss; my answer would be ready.

I have read the plan for providing and issuing of military

supplies inclosed in your favor of the 29th of June. I suppose I may keep it, in order to recur to it upon occasion. I wish to be informed whether this is proposed to be adopted by Congress into a law. I presume the President's authority alone is not adequate to the establishment of it. I wish it to be considered by the Secretary of the Treasury and by yourself, as closely as possible before it is recommended.

The discipline of the army and the national economy are deeply interested in it. The Secretary of State has had experi ence which ought to be consulted upon this occasion.

HAMILTON TO M'HENRY.

NEW-YORK, July 8th, 1799.

SIR:

I have considered the rules transmitted in your letter of the 2d instant relative to rank and promotion.

They appear to me founded on just principles, nor do I know that they can be improved. I will, however, present to your consideration some observations on two or three points.

It seems to me questionable whether the preference given to full colonels of the deranged officers over the lieutenant colonel commandants, who served to the end of the war, be expedient.

It is making that a matter of substance, which was purely nominal. The grade of lieutenant-colonel commandant was in our system to all intents and purposes of service and promotion equal to that of colonel. And the general principle of preferring officers who served to the end of the war seems to me as applicable to this particular as to any other.

It is desirable to exempt a military commander from the exercise of a discretion in personal matters which may expose him to the supposition of favoritism. It is possible the Commander-in-Chief may not like to be charged with that which is proposed to be conferred upon him; though he could have no

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