objection to aid the determination of the President with all requisite information. Perhaps the clause may with advantage be altered to stand thus:-"The relative rank of officers who have not been in service will be determined by the President. The Commander-in-Chief will report to him their names with such information as he may deem proper."

The last clause will, I think, be more accurate, if altered into this form :--"On the happening of a vacancy, the officer next in rank will in ordinary cases be considered as the most proper person to fill the same. But this rule is considered as subject to exceptions in extraordinary cases."

It will be useful, also, in my opinion, to add a clause to this effect-In promotions to the several ranks of generals, the officers of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, will be considered as eligible indiscriminately, or without distinction of one corps for another.

The

To confine the officers of artillery and cavalry to their particular corps in the appointments of general officers, is to render the chance of promotion unequal, aand to discourage in the several classes of officers the study of all the branches of tactics. contrary principle will have a contrary effect; and though it is rarely to be expected that an officer of cavalry or infantry will be competent to the service of the artillery, yet nothing is more easy than for the officers of those corps to be acquainted with the tactics of each, and an officer of artillery can without difficulty make himself master of the tactics of the cavalry and infantry. The plan of an indiscriminate choice will also increase the chances. of having qualified generals.

And if the idea itself be approved, it is expedient to prepare the army to expect its application by engrafting it in the system. of promotion.

SIR:

ADAMS TO M'HENRY.

QUINCY, July 19, 1799.

I agree with you in your opinion expressed in your favor of the 12th, that both an army and navy establishment is essential to the present and future interests and greatness of the United States; and that we must run the risks which other nations have run.

It appeared to me that officers were created and soldiers made necessary in the plan for supplying the army, which would require the interposition of Congress; but if the powers already given to administration are sufficient, I am satisfied. I wish only that the heads of departments may be satisfied, and that no embarrassments may be brought upon them which they are not previously apprised of.

ADAMS TO M'HENRY.

QUINCY, July 27, 1799.

SIR:

I have received your favor of the 20th, and no objection to the plan you propose of raising a company of cavalry. "Our means!" I never think of our means without shuddering; all the declamations as well as demonstrations of Trenchard and Gordon, Bolingbroke, Bernard and Walpole, Hume, Burgh and Burke, rush upon my memory and frighten me out of my wits. The system of debts and taxes is levelling all government in Europe. We have a career to run, to be sure, and some time to pass before we arrive at the European crisis; but we must ultimately go the same way. There is no practicable or imaginable expedient to escape it, that I can conceive.

SIR:

HAMILTON TO SECRETARY AT WAR.

NEW-YORK, July 29th, 1799.

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 25th instant, inclosing a warrant for the execution of Sergeant Hunt.

I have reflected carefully on the point submitted to our joint consideration, and, upon the whole, I incline to the side of forbearance.

The temper of our country is not a little opposed to the frequency of capital punishment. Public opinion, in this respect, though it must not have too much influence, is not wholly to be disregarded. There must be some caution not to render our military system odious by giving it the appearance of being sanguinary.

Considering, too, the extreme lenity in time past, there may be danger of shocking even the opinion of the army by too violent a change. The idea of cruelty inspires disgust, and ultimately is not much more favorable to authority than the excess of lenity.

Neither is it clear that one example, so quickly following upon the heels of another, in the same corps, will materially increase the impression intended to be made, or answer any valuable purpose.

If, for any or all of these reasons, the utility of the measure be doubtful, in favor of life it ought to be forborne. It is the true policy of the government to maintain an attitude which shall express a reluctance to strike, united with a determination to do it whenever it shall be essential.

It is but too certain that it will not be long before other instances will occur in which the same punishment will be decreed for the same offence. To disseminate the examples of executions so far as they shall be indispensable, will serve to render them more efficacious.

Under these impressions, if I hear nothing to the contrary

from you by the return of the post, I shall issue an order to the following effect: "That, though the President has fully approved the sentence of Sergeant Hunt, and, from the heinous nature of his conduct, considers him as a very fit subject for punishment; yet, being unwilling to multiply examples of severity, however just, beyond what experience may show to be indispensable, and hoping that the good faith and patriotism of the soldiery will spare him the painful necessity of frequently resorting to them, he has thought fit to authorize a remission of the punishment; directing, nevertheless, that Sergeant Hunt be degraded from his station."

I request to be speedily instructed.

HAMILTON TO STODDERT.

NEW-YORK, July 29th, 1799.

DEAR SIR:

A press of various business has delayed a reply to your favor of the 19th instant.

The principle you suggest for my consideration, though, if it could be introduced, it would work well, cannot, in my opinion, be put into practice. It would contravene too much pretensions rooted as well in the human heart as in unconquerable prejudices of the military state; by which expressions I include the naval department. Carrying in the very fact an avowed preference, humiliating to the pride of the superior officer, and reversing the order of antecedent relations, a cheerful submission could never be obtained.

The alternative you mention is the proper expedient, and a very necessary one it is. It will be happy if Congress can be induced to adopt it.

With very great esteem, I have the honor, &c.,

TO SECRETARY OF NAVY.

MY DEAR SIR:

HAMILTON TO JAY.

NEW-YORK, July 29th, 1799.

The completion of the works in the vicinity of our city proceeds heavily. Some embarrassment is understood to arise in the War Department from the question of appropriations. I beg to be informed whether the sum appropriated by the legislature of this State will come in aid of the operation. Limited as that sum is, nothing upon a large scale can be undertaken in reference to it. Its agency in fortifications on the islands, at Powles Hook, and on the projection from Long Island opposite Governor's Island (I forget at this moment its name), is the only one which can be useful.

With great respect and esteem, &c.

HAMILTON TO GENERAL STEVENS.

NEW-YORK, July 29th, 1799.

SIR:

Inclosed is a plan for the uniforms, &c., of the army, prepared at my request by Colonel Smith, with the aid of Colonel Fish and Captain Armstrong. I am desirous of seeing some models of clothing made agreeably to this plan, beginning with those of the privates. It is my wish that the models may be framed, as well with a view to the quality of the materials, as to the fashions and ornaments of the clothing. The sooner they can be prepared the better.

But, to be more certain that we meet the ideas of the framers of the plan, you will be pleased to have recourse to the assistance of Captain Armstrong, who has been very obliging on the occasion, and who, I doubt not, will with pleasure lend his further aid.