the United States, the government of France at once saw the danger of suffering her great maritime rival to acquire the advantage of 4 or 5000 excellent seamen, and with them an art of immense value in marine consideration, (as the nursery of sailors,) which they possessed almost exclusively.

France, therefore, did not hesitate to arrest these proceedings, by giving informal but strong assurances that if the whale fishermen would, but for a moment, resist the temptations held out by the English, their friends in France would soon procure for them advantages superior to those they were required to refuse. Accordingly, liberal bounties in money, accompanied with other allurements, were offered to those persons who would remove from the United States to Dunkirk, and from thence carry on the whale fishery.

This measure at first did not have all the effect expected from it, and rather than hazard the immigration of the fishermen to the dominions of Britain, it was thought expedient to create in France a market for the produce of the whale fishery of the United States. This has been of much benefit to us; but partly from the fluctuating policy of France toward us, and partly from the excessive premiums she gives to her own vessels, it is to be feared that her whale fishery will be eventually established on the ruins of ours. Already, this business has extended itself considerably at Dunkirk, and the enormous profits which have been made by the aid of public bounties, cannot fail to draw from the United States many more adventurers.

France is undoubtedly an important market for tobacco, rice, lumber, oil, and occasionally for some other articles; but the ordinance of the National Assembly requiring that after October, '91, tobacco in American ships should pay 61 livres per quintal duty more than in French ships, (equal to near double freight,) and determining also that after that period, American built ves. sels cannot be sold to the citizens of France, must render our trade to that country, in our own bottoms, comparatively small.

In the course of the late war, France opened the ports of her colonies to foreign ships. These very soon engrossed a large share of their trade, and soon after the peace an arrêt of the

Council of State was passed, restricting the intercourse between those colonies and strangers. The precise intent and effect of this first public regulation after the peace is not within my present recollection, and I have no authority to which I can recur; but soon after it (in 1784) another arrêt was published, which established in each of the Windward Islands one port, and in Hispaniola three ports, to which foreign vessels might have free access with fish, lumber, live stock, rice, Indian corn, salted beef, (but not pork,) vegetables of a certain kind, hides, peltry, tar, and turpentine, but no other commodities; the duty on fish to be three livres per quintal, and on salted beef three livres per barrel, and on all these commodities such local duties as might be imposed in the Islands, beside an established one per cent. on the value.

In return, and as payment for these commodities, molasses and rum of the islands, and goods previously imported from France, are the only articles allowed to be brought away.

Several years after the second arrêt a third passed, which raised the duty on salted beef to a dollar per barrel, and on fish to a dollar per quintal; and at all times a sum equal to the duty per quintal imposed on foreign fish, was given as a bounty on each quintal of fish of the French fisheries.

Although some important products of the United States are excluded by the arrêts or standing laws, yet the pressing wants of the colonists have occasionally induced a suspension of those laws in relation to particular articles; but so versatile has been the conduct of the French government in this part of their administration, that the people of the United States have sometimes suffered exceedingly, though perhaps oftener profited by these temporary indulgences. Since the commencement of the revolution in France, and partly in consequence of scarcity there, the colonists have been obliged to take from the United States large supplies of flour, and some other items not usually admitted.

The importance of the French West India market for the fish of the United States, will appear from observing, that nearly one-half of the whole fish is consumed there. Should this advantage be lost, the fishery would be almost, if not quite ruined.

The molasses received from the French islands is an excellent payment for what they buy of us, but it may be noted that this article has been raised to its value and consequence as an object of commerce chiefly, if not altogether, by the people of the United States; it was not thought to be worth saving by the French planters until the Anglo-Americans became its purchasers and created a demand for it. At the commencement of the molasses trade with the French it was bought by the tierce, supposed to measure sixty gallons, or by the hogshead, supposed to contain one hundred: the New England people at that time used to receive upwards of ninety gallons for a tierce, and one hundred and fifty for a hogshead; so little was it valued by the planters, that they for a long time submitted to this imposition in the measure.

It has been much complained of, that at Cape François bonds are required before a vessel is allowed to trade, with such sureties as cannot be had, unless the captain pays an extravagant commission on his whole cargo, to some merchant of the place, whether he needs any other aid of such merchant or not. What share of this abuse, or whether any, is chargeable to the government, I am unable to say; or whether it extends to the other ports of Hispaniola, I am uncertain; but I think it does.

I am not able to discern any essential difference of principle between the French and English colonial systems; both aim at a monopoly of their trade, but neither can effect it perfectly without ruining the colony; each, therefore, relaxes occasionally in some points, and constantly in others, according to the necessity of the case. Both nations admit nearly the same commodities, except that France takes fish and refuses flour, while England takes flour and refuses fish.

England being more solicitous, as well as more able to carry the supplies of her colonies than she is to furnish them, insists only on being the carrier. France being unable to carry the requisite supplies of her colonies, insists only on furnishing them so far as she can, and permits others to supply whatever of prime necessity she cannot supply herself.

The English reserve the exclusive right of carrying the com

modities their colonists need from the United States, but they impose no duty on the importation of the commodities themselves.

The French allow foreigners to carry certain commodities which their colonies need, but they impose a duty on the most valuable of those commodities, greater than the whole freight or price of carriage is worth.

The French colonies are, I believe, more extensive than the English; but if the French had not from necessity taken some things which they legally prohibited, it may be doubted whether the exports of the United States to the British West Indies, would not equal the exports to the French West Indies.

Some unavoidable business, and some unavoidable dissipations, have prevented me, till this moment, from obeying your commands. Upon a review of what I have written, 'tis some consolation in seeing how unimportant the information is, that you have lost nothing by the delay.

Yours,

VERPLANCK TO HAMILTON.

GEORGE CABOT.

SIR:

NEW-YORK, 29th December, 1791.

A number of your fellow-citizens, desirous of expressing the sense they entertain of the important services you have rendered your country, have raised by subscription a sum of money to defray the expense of a portrait of you, to be executed by Mr. Trumbull, and placed in one of our public buildings.

We have therefore to request that you will be so condescending as to allow Mr. Trumbull to wait upon you for the above purpose, at such time as will suit your conveniency; and will also be pleased to permit the representation to exhibit such part of your political life as may be most agreeable to yourself.

We have the honor to be, with perfect sentiments of esteem and respect, your most humble servants,

The mark of esteem, on the part of fellow-citizens, to whom I am attached by so many ties, which is announced in your letter of the 29th of December, is entitled to my affectionate acknowledgments.

I shall cheerfully obey their wish as far as respects the taking of my portrait, but I ask that they will permit it to appear unconnected with any incident of my political life. The simple representation of their fellow-citizen and friend will best accord with my feelings.

With true esteem and consideration,

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, &c.

HAMILTON TO SETON.

PHILADELPHIA, January 24, 1792.

MY DEAR SIR:

I feel great satisfaction in knowing from yourself that your institution rejects the idea of a coalition with the new project, or rather hydra of projects.