wise should, your letter of the 15th. That Mr. Jefferson proposed to Freneau to repair to Philadelphia and act in his department as interpreter of the French language, and that, subsequently thereto, a negotiation was had and completed between Mr. Madison and the latter, to establish and conduct a newspaper there, are undeniable truths. Although desirous of frustrating the machinations of a particular party, I cannot nevertheless consistently comply with your request in giving up to public notoriety the name of my informant. In a correspondence as confidential as ours, I have no hesitation in making it known to you, more especially as such communication, while it convinces you of the certainty of those transactions, will also impress you with a conviction of the impropriety of that name being again mentioned. I am indebted to Mr. Childs of NewYork for all that I knew and informed you relative to this

matter.

He, you know, is one of the printers, and interested in the paper, and although I am well assured that he entirely disapproves the manner in which it is conducted, yet it is natural to suppose that he would not willingly be instrumental in the establishing of any fact which might operate to its disrepute or prejudice.

With very sincere regard, yours,

HAMILTON TO JAY.

(PRIVATE.)

JONA. DAYTON.

MY DEAR SIR:

PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 3, 1792.

The proceedings at Pittsburgh, which you will find stated in the inclosed paper, and other incidents in the western parts of this State announce so determined and persevering a spirit of opposition to the laws, as in my opinion to render a vigorous

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exertion of the powers of government indispensable. I have communicated this opinion to the President, and I doubt not his impressions will accord with it. In this case, one point for consideration will be the expediency of the next Circuit Court noticing the state of things in that quarter, particularly the meeting at Pittsburgh and its proceedings. You will observe an avowed object is to "obstruct the operation of the law." This is attempted to be qualified by a pretence of doing it by "every legal measure." But "legal measures" to "obstruct the operation of a law" is a contradiction in terms. I, therefore, entertain no doubt that a high misdemeanor has been committed. The point, however, is under submission to the attorney-general for his opinion.

There is really, my dear sir, a crisis in the affairs of the country, which demands the most mature consideration of its best and wisest friends.

I beg you to apply your own most serious thoughts to it, and favor me as soon as possible with the result of your reflections. Perhaps it will not be amiss for you to converse with Mr. King. His judgment is sound-he has caution and energy.

Would a proclamation from the President be advisable, stating the criminality of such proceedings, and warning all persons to abstain from them as the laws will be strictly enforced against all offenders?

If the plot should thicken and the application of force should appear to be unavoidable, will it be expedient for the President to repair in person to the scene of commotion?

These are some of the questions which present themselves. The subject will doubtless open itself in all its aspects to you. With real respect and affectionate attachment,

Chief Justice JAY.

I remain, dear Sir, your obedient servant,

A. H.

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DEAR SIR:

JAY TO HAMILTON.

NEW-YORK, Sept. 8th, 1792.

I have conferred with Mr. King on the subject of your letter of the 3d instant. We concur in opinion that neither a proclamation, nor a particular charge by the court to the grand jury, would be advisable at present. To us it appears more prudent that the business be opened by the President's speech at the ensuing session of Congress. Their address will manifest the sense of the House, and both together operate more effectually than a proclamation.

No strong declarations should be made unless there be ability and disposition to follow them with strong measures. Admitting both these requisites, it is questionable whether such operations at this moment would not furnish the Antis with materials for deceiving the uninformed part of the community, and in some measure render the operations of administration odious. Let all the branches of government move together, and let the chiefs be committed publicly on one or the other side of the question. I perceive symptoms of the crisis you mention-if managed with prudence and firmness it will weaken its authors. If matters can pass sub silentio until the meeting of Congress, I think all will be well. The public will become informed, and the sense of the nation become manifest. Opposition to that sense will be clogged with apprehensions, and strong measures, if necessary, will be approved and be supported.

If, in the mean time, such outrages should be committed as to force the attention of government to its dignity, nothing will remain but to obey that necessity in a way that will leave nothing to hazard. Success on such occasions should be certain. Whether this should be done under the President's personal direction, must, I think, depend on circumstances at the time, or, in other words, on the degree of importance which those circumstances combined may evince.

Yours affectionately,

JOHN JAY.

MY DEAR SIR:

ELISHA BOUDINOT TO HAMILTON.

NEWARK, 13th Sept., 1792.

There are great exertions making to get the people to petition against the incorporation; several persons are employed to go about with petitions, and the people are deceived by the most absurd falsehoods. The only mode I thought of to counteract them, was to have petitions drawn, and hire a person calculated for the purpose to go round with them, and I am in hopes it will answer the purpose effectually. We shall obtain numbers who signed the first, to sign ours, declaring they were imposed on. So much for petitions.

Will you sketch the substance of a law you wish with regard to apprentices-or the heading of it—and I will see it carried through the Legislature? Had you not better be up a day or two previous to the first Monday in October?

The Antis are making greater exertions than you perhaps are aware of, previous to the expected general election. Our Chief Justice says that a number from Philadelphia have been to the lower parts of West Jersey, informing the people that a strong party is forming in that city against the Secretary of the Treasury, requesting their aid, and that they will not choose a man who has supported his measures, especially Mr. Boudinot, &c. &c.

My brother showed me a letter last evening, received by the post, dated Norfolk, Virginia-only a few lines-inclosing a handbill for his information, signed "James Blanchard." This handbill is addressed to the Electors and Freeholders of New Jersey, setting forth the dangerous consequences of the measures of the Secretary, &c., the funding system, bank, &c.; then giving extracts of speeches made by Mr. Boudinot in support of them, &c., and warning the people to take care, &c., and says that pamphlets should be distributed amongst them previous to the election.

From these things it appears as if they meant to try their strength in every State. A young gentleman of this town was

lately at Philadelphia, and at his lodgings there was a gentleman from Virginia (whose name I do not at this moment recollect), very violent on the subject, and said he was going the middle and eastern States, to see what could be done with regard to displacing the Secretary of the Treasury; and, finding from the conversation of the other gentleman, that Mr. Madison was not a popular character, in Jersey at least, he asked if Mr. Morris would not be agreeable, &c. If the federalists sleep whilst their enemies are awake and vigilant, some mischief may be done. I am, in haste, dear Sir,

With respect,

Yours sincerely,

ELISHA BOUDINOT.

KING TO HAMILTON.

Sunday, 17th Sept., 1792.

If the enemies of the government are secret and united, we shall lose Mr. Adams. Burr is industrious in his canvass, and his object is well understood by our Antis. Mr. Edwards is to make interest for him in Connecticut, and Mr. Dallas, who is here and quite in the circle of the Governor and the party, informs us that Mr. Burr will be supported as Vice-President in Pennsylvania. Should Jefferson and his friends unite in the project, the votes of Mr. A. may be so reduced, that though more numerous than those of any other person, he may decline the office. Nothing which has heretofore happened so decisively proves the inveteracy of the opposition. Should they succeed in degrading Mr. Adams, much would be to be apprehended in respect to the measures which have received the sanction of government.

Yours affectionately,

R. KING.