HAMILTON TO

DEAR SIR:

PHILADELPHIA, September 21, 1792.

I take the liberty to inclose you the copy of a letter from a very respectable friend in New-York. The contents surprised me; nor am I quite persuaded that the appearance of Mr. Burr on the stage is not a diversion in favor of Mr. Clinton.

Mr. Clinton's success I should think very unfortunate; I am not for trusting the government too much in the hands of its enemies. But still, Mr. C. is a man of property, and in private life, as far as I know, of probity. I fear the other gentleman is unprincipled, both as a public and a private man. When the Constitution was in deliberation, his conduct was equivocal; but its enemies, who, I believe, best understood him, considered him as with them. In fact, I take it, he is for or against nothing, but as it suits his interest or ambition. He is determined, as I conceive, to make his way to be the head of the popular party, and to climb per fas aut nefas to the highest honors of the State, and as much higher as circumstances may permit. Embarrassed, as I understand, in his circumstances, with an extravagant family, bold, enterprising, and intriguing, I am mistaken if it be not his object to play the game of confusion, and I feel it to be a religious duty to oppose his career.

I have hitherto scrupulously refrained from interference in elections; but the occasion is, in my opinion, of sufficient importance to warrant, in this instance, a departure from that rule. I, therefore, commit my opinion to you without scruple; but in perfect confidence. I pledge my character for discernment, that it is incumbent upon every good man to resist the present design.

HAMILTON TO KING.

Sept. 23, 1792.

MY DEAR SIR:

Though I had had a previous intimation of the possibility of such an event, yet the intelligence contained in your letter of the 17th, surprised me. Even now I am to be convinced that the movement is any thing more than a diversion in favor of Mr. Clinton; yet, on my part, it will not be neglected. My attention, as far as shall be in any degree safe, will be directed to every State south of New-York. I do not go beyond it, because other influences would be quite as efficacious there as mine.

A good use will be made of it in this State. I wish a letter could be written here, stating the plan, and Mr. Dallas's assertion respecting Pennsylvania, which could be made use of without reserve. You well know who could write such a letter, and of course to whom it might be addressed. Mr. Lewis would be the most proper person to be written to. This is a matter of impor tance, and if practicable, no time should be lost.

I wrote Mr. Jay a long letter, which I fear reached NewYork after he had set out on the circuit, informing him that I had concluded to advise a proclamation; and my reasons for it, which included some material facts not before communicated, I have not leisure to repeat. The proclamation has been signed by the President, and sent to Mr. Jefferson for his counter-signature; I expect it here on Tuesday, and have taken correspondent measures. I believe all is prudent and safe.

Yours truly and affectionately,

A. HAMILTON.

HAMILTON TO

PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 26, 1792.

MY DEAR SIR:

Some days since I was surprised with the following intelligence, in a letter from Mr. King, whose name I disclose to you in confidence.

"Burr is industrious in his canvass, and his object is well understood by our Antis. Mr. Edwards is to make interest for him in Connecticut; and Mr. Dallas, who is here, and quite in the circle of the Governor and the party, informs us that Mr. Burr will be supported as Vice-President in Pennsylvania. Nothing which has heretofore happened so decisively proves the inveteracy of the opposition. Should they succeed, much would be to be apprehended."

Though in my situation I deem it most proper to avoid interference in any matter relating to the elections for members of the government, yet I feel reasons of sufficient force to induce a departure from that rule in the present instance.

Mr. Burr's integrity as an individual is not unimpeached. As a public man, he is one of the worst sort-a friend to nothing but as it suits his interest and ambition. Determined to climb to the highest honors of the State, and as much higher as circumstances may permit; he cares nothing about the means of effecting his purpose.-'Tis evident that he aims at putting himself at the head of what he calls the "popular party," as affording the best tools for an ambitious man to work with-secretly turning liberty into ridicule, he knows as well as most men how to make use of the name. In a word, if we have an embryo Cæsar in the United States, 'tis Burr.

KING TO HAMILTON.

September 27th, 1792.

Care has been taken to put our friends at the Eastward on their guard. Measures have been pursued to ascertain opinions in different quarters; and on this, as on a former occasion, the object may be silently abandoned, should it appear absolutely desperate. If Clinton should be supported, this will be the case; if not, the party must resort to some other Northern character; hence the hopes of this gentleman.

The conversation with Mr. Dallas passed between him and me, and it would not be well that I should be publicly quoted. As he is almost all his time with the party here, I don't find that I can obtain such a letter as you propose.

Mr. Jay, who returned yesterday, unwell, sent me your letter of the 17th. I wish that the proclamation may produce the effects you promise yourself. If the country will support the judiciary, all will be well. My apprehension on this point led me to wish the effort to be made under circumstances the most favorable to its success. I like as little as you possibly can do, the omission of the Executive to exercise its power on a plain and important occasion. Still, allowances must be made for the actual condition in which we find ourselves. You cannot stop with the proclamation. Unless the opposition subsides, the Executive must proceed, if requisite force must be employed, to carry the law into effect.

One good point will be secured by the proclamation, which possibly would have been precarious without it. There might have been a disinclination to enforce the law, had its violation been submitted to legislative consideration, previous to any step on the part of the Executive to carry it into execution. This cannot be the case now. The good, from inclination, and others from a less worthy motive, will support the Executive and enforce the law.

Yours, &c.,

R. KING.

JOHNSON TO HAMILTON.

DEAR SIR:

NEW-YORK, September 30th, 1792.

You was so good as to assure me, the last time I had the pleasure to see you, that you would introduce my son, Robert Charles Johnson, to our minister, Mr. Pinckney, that he might have the benefit of his protection and advice on his travels in England, &c. Circumstances would not permit him to go at that time; but he has now taken a passage on board a ship bound to Bristol, which proposes to sail on Sunday next. His sole object is introduction and improvement; and as I wish him to travel as advantageously as may be, I am persuaded no name in this country can be a more valuable recommendation to him than yours. I beg the favor of letters of introduction for him to the minister, and any other of your friends in England you may think proper.

He means, also, to see Holland; and if the trouble in France will permit him, to visit that country also, and therefore begs a line to Mr. Morris, and, if it be not too great a favor, to M. de Lafayette, &c. He will, with great pleasure, execute any commissions in his power for you in Europe; and both he and I shall be extremely obliged to you for any letters or commands you shall please to favor him with, and am,

With the sincerest esteem,

Dear Sir,

Your most obd't serv't,

WM. SAM'L JOHNSON.