greater sums will come into its vaults from the duties. In the last quarter of the present, and the first quarter of the ensuing year, very large receipts may be expected.

You are sure that while I seek to put myself in a proper pos ture, I shall not fail to have a due regard to the safety and interest of the institution.

It is much to be wished that I could be enabled to make some purchases, though this will not be the case with the loan in question, unless a loan shall also have been obtained in Europe.

A meeting of the commissioners has lately been called by Mr. Jefferson, out of the course heretofore practised, in which I have been pressed to declare whether I had or had not funds applicable to purchases. I answered so as to be safe. But you readily perceive the design of this movement. There is no doubt in my mind, that the next session will revive the attack with more system and earnestness-and it is surely not the interest of any body, or any thing, that a serious handle should be furnished.

On the whole, I am persuaded that the Bank can do what I ask without real inconvenience to itself; and my situation is such that I shall be compelled to find an auxiliary.

All the cry here is for peace. How is it with you?
Truly and affectionately,

JAY TO HAMILTON.

Yours,

A. HAMILTON.

DEAR SIR:

NEW-YORK, April 11th, 1793.

Your letters of the 9th inst. were this day delivered to me, as I was preparing to go out of town-the subject of them is impor tant. I have not time to judge decidedly on some of the points. The inclosed will show what my present ideas of a proclamation are-it is hastily drawn-it says nothing of treaties-it speaks

of neutrality, but avoids the expression, because in this country often associated with others.

I shall be at Philadelphia in my way to Richmond. I think it better at present that too little should be said than too much. I would not receive any minister from a regent until he was regent de facto; and therefore I think such intention should be inferrible from the proclamation. Let us do every thing that may be right to avoid war; and if, without our fault, we should be involved in it, there will be little room for apprehensions about the issue. It is happy for us that we have a President who will do nothing rashly, and who regards his own interest as inseparable from the public good.

Yours sincerely, &c.

KING TO HAMILTON.

April 24th, 1793.

Averse to any connection with the war beyond what may be permitted by the laws of strict neutrality, we are pleased to see the Proclamation. I have no precedents with which to compare it, but I could have wished to have seen in some part of it the word "Neutrality," which every one would have understood and have felt the force of.

Having anxiously considered the points respecting which we conversed when I was with you last, I hope you are founded in your opinion. The change which has happened will not, perhaps, justify us in saying "the Treaties are void"-and whether we may contend in favor of their suspension is a point of delicacy, and not quite free from doubt. The authority of the present Government is coextensive with their territory, which is free from the possession of their antagonists.

Prudence would seem to require us to move with caution, and by delay to insure a safe decision. The mere reception of the minister will do us no injury, although I am inclined to be

lieve, that in order to avoid being pressed on points we may wish not to decide, it will be best to qualify the reception of the minister in such a manner as will save our commitment in reference to those questions we wish to stand open.

Our treaty with Holland may be used with advantage. The report of Mr. Le Brun to the Convention respecting perfidy of the monarchy towards us, is proof of such a want of good faith as poisons the whole treaty.

Have you noticed that the 16th article of the Treaty of Commerce between England and France is in the teeth of the 22d article of the Treaty of Commerce between France and us? On the principle that all the articles of a treaty have the force of conditions, the violation of this article by France would give us the power to renounce the whole treaty.

Examining our laws respecting the registry of our ships and vessels, I was struck with a difficulty which will luckily be in the way of our purchasing prizes brought into our ports by any of the powers at war. It is worth your attention. As the law stands, I do not perceive that any such vessels can be protected by the American flag, even though owned bonâ fide by American citizens. Of this point, however, I will not be confident. Such vessels, beyond doubt, will be liable to pay the foreign tonnage.

The conduct of England in searching our ships, and impressing seamen engaged under our flag, is very different in the present armament from what it was in the late armament against Spain. The masters of our ships which have arrived here from England, as also those who have arrived from Ireland, speak with the appearance of national pride when they mention the hotness of the press and the entire exemption of ships which sail under our flag. The circumstance is one from which we may make pretty certain inferences. Farewell. I wish I could give assistance to the measures and maxims you will pursue. We must not become entangled with this mad war.

Yours, &c.,

RUFUS KING.

CARRINGTON TO HAMILTON.

DEAR SIR:

RICHMOND, April 26, 1793.

I am favored with yours of the 10th instant. Your determination to persevere with patience in your labors to establish a permanent and successful system of revenue and credit for the United States, must give satisfaction to all who feel that these are the only supports of public safety and private prosperity. I am well assured that in private life, you experienced pecuniary advantages, and personal ease, both of body and mind, not to be found in your present office, even were all hands to unite for your assistance; great indeed must be then your sacrifices, when, instead of this generous assistance, you are beset with numerous hostilities.

To your inquiries respecting the public mind in Virginia, in regard to the events which are happening in Europe, I will give the most satisfactory answer I can; it is not, however, unknown to you, that upon things so remote, but few are heard actually to speak, and these generally take the liberty to affix the name of the people to their own suggestions. The truth is, that the great body of the people desire nothing that will interrupt the freedom, peace and happiness, they now enjoy. With regard to the cause of France, I believe the general wish is for its success. My own sentiments are in favor of such reforms in most of the governments in Europe, and indeed in the world, as will give to the human race the most free governments it can enjoy. The experiments in France have not, however, been very flattering. This applies to your first question.

As to the second-I believe the decapitation of the king is pretty generally considered as an act of unprincipled cruelty, dictated by neither justice nor policy. In my own mind, it was a horrible transaction in every view; and to an American, who can even yield to its propriety, it ought to be felt as a truly sor rowful event.

As to the third-I have no doubt that the sense of this country

is for a perfect neutrality, if it can possibly be had. My own sentiments are, that the French, from having commenced one of the noblest causes that ever presented itself in any country, have lost themselves in the wildest quixotism; my wish is that they may recover their reason, and establish for themselves a good government, leaving other countries to judge for themselves. If they do this, they need not fear the combinations of their enemies.

As to the 4th and 5th-so far as I have heard observations upon the subject of the treaty between France and America, it appears to be considered that no alteration in the government of either country changes the obligations of pre-existing treaties. At the same time, it is generally held that, should we in consequence of treaty, be bound to take any other than a neutral station in the business of France, it will be an unfortunate circumstance, as we could do them no real service, and would involve ourselves in distress. I have no doubt of its being the general opinion, that if we, of right, have an option, the most perfect neutrality ought to be observed. We have in this, as there are no doubt in every State, some characters to whom any thing but quiet would be agreeable. This, however, is not the case with the great body of our fellow-citizens, and the few who are desirous of new adventures, will, doubtless, have the consent of their countrymen to go to France in quest of them. My own sentiments on these two questions are, that in determining what is to be done in regard to the treaty, several considerations present themselves. 1st. Its applicability to the present state of the parties. 2dly. The reasonableness of calling, on the part of the French, for a performance of it on ours, in reference to the original motives for entering into it. 3dly. The probable consequences to both parties from an attempt to fulfil the required service. The first consideration I shall leave to those well versed in the laws of nations; and, perhaps, the sentiments of the people in the Islands concerned, may claim some regard in the determination. If they are desirous of adhering to the old government, it may not be an insupportable opinion, that theirs is the claim upon us for the guarantee promised in the treaty.