arms of France as the harbingers of liberty; when I behold the hand of rapacity outstretched to prostrate and ravish the monuments of religious worship, erected by those citizens and their ancestors; when I perceive passion, tumult, and violence usurping those seats, where reason and cool deliberation ought to preside, I acknowledge that I am glad to believe there is no real resemblance between what was the cause of America and what is the cause of France; that the difference is no less great than that between liberty and licentiousness. I regret whatever has a tendency to compound them, and I feel anxious, as an American, that the ebullitions of inconsiderate men among us, may not tend to involve our reputation in the issue.

JAMES HAMILTON TO HAMILTON.

DEAR ALEXANDER:

ST. VINCENTS, June 12th, 1793.

I wrote you a letter, inclosed in one to Mr. Donald, of Virginia, since which I have had no further accounts from you. My bad state of health has prevented my going to sea at this time-being afflicted with a complication of disorders.

The war which has lately broke out between France and England makes it very dangerous going to sea at this time. However, we daily expect news of a peace, and when that takes place, provided it is not too late in the season, I will embark in the first vessel that sails for Philadelphia.

I have now settled all my business in this part of the world, with the assistance of my good friend, Mr. Donald, who has been of every service to me that lay in his power, in contributing to make my life easy at this advanced period of life. The bearer of this, Captain Sherriff, of the brig Dispatch, sails direct for Philadelphia, and has promised to deliver you this letter with his own hands; and as he returns to this island from Philadelphia, I beg

you will drop me a few lines, letting me know how you and your family keep your health, as I am uneasy at not having heard from you for some time past. I beg my respectful compliments to Mrs. Hamilton and your children, and wishing you health and happiness, I remain, with esteem, dear Alexander,

Your very affectionate father,

JAMES HAMILTON.

LEE TO HAMILTON.

RICHMOND, June 15th, 1793.

MY DEAR SIR:

We have heard here that a circular letter from you to the several collectors relative to French prizes has given great offence to the British minister, and that this conduct on the part of the United States will contribute to produce a rupture with Great Britain. I should be very much obliged to you for the truth on this point and its expected consequences.

Peace to America is, in one word-our all. A set of clamorous desperadoes, in their fortunes or political hopes, cry aloud for war, and I fear Great Britain is not indisposed to take advantage of every event to injure us. What the intemperance of some among us, and her solicitude to avenge past disgrace may produce, time alone can unfold; but I hope that the true friends to their country will every where and on every occasion, unite to prevent the calamity of war.

What is the real state of things in France; and will not her enemies, after victory there, feel the exploit but half accomplished, unless we also are politically changed? On this ground I sometimes apprehend danger, but am revived again, when I look at the sea which divides us, and reckon on the exhausted state of their finances. Farewell.

HENRY LEE.

HAMILTON TO KING.

June 15th, 1793.

DEAR SIR:

The ideas expressed in your letter of the 14th, correspond with my view of the subject in general. I did not perceive that any process could be devised to detain the privateer, and concluded, that the issue would be to leave her in military custody. Indeed, I believe this was rather the expectation with all, though it was thought advisable to make the experiment of a reference to the civil tribunal.

With regard to the Catharine, I also entertain the doubt you appear to have. In the case of the Grange, the surrender was brought about by a demand of Mr. Genet, and his interposition. But it was in contemplation of employing the military in case of refusal.

Yet, since that time, a libel has been filed in the District Court in the case of another vessel, alleged to have been captured, within the limits of our jurisdiction. And both Mr. Lewis and Mr. Rawle, attorney of the district, hold that the District or Admiralty Court will take cognizance of this question. They argue that it would be a great chasm in the law, that there should not be some competent judicial authority to do justice between parties in the case of an illegal seizure within our jurisdiction. That the Court of Admiralty has naturally cognizance of tortious takings on the high seas, and as she gives relief in rem, may cause a re-delivery. That though, as a general principle, a court of a neutral nation will not examine the question of prize or not prize between belligerent powers-yet this principle must except the case of the infraction of the jurisdiction of the neutral power itself. Quoad this fact, its courts will interpose and give relief.

This is their reasoning, and it has much force. The desire of the Executive is to have the point ascertained, and if possible to put the affair in this train. There may arise nice difficulties about the fact, and nice points about the extent of jurisdiction at sea, which the courts had best settle.

The contest in form must, as you say, be between the owners and the captors. For this purpose, Mr. Hammond is to cause the proper instructions to be given.

Yours truly,

A. HAMILTON.

There is a letter from me to Harrison. If Troupe has not opened it let him do it.

HIGGINSON TO HAMILTON.

BOSTON, July 26th, 1793.

DEAR SIR:

We have here our French party and French politics as well as you; and they are taking measures here, as well as with you, to bring us to a serious point. They mean, I am satisfied, to force a discussion on the question of their right to fit out privateers, to originate new expeditions in our ports, to cruise on their enemy. From the conduct and observations of the consul here, and what we learn to be the language and conduct of the minister in Philadelphia, there is strong reason to believe that it is part of a system of policy towards us which their people are directed to pursue. They will try how far they can use us to their purpose without coming to points. They will then push us to a decision that shall leave them at option to part from us, or not, as they may think best, and on such ground as will appear decent abroad, and not compel their partisans here to desert them. Such is my view of French politics at this moment, relative to the United States.

This is a critical period in our affairs. We have a narrow and difficult pass to go through; and the longer it is delayed the greater will be the danger, in my opinion.

It is asked by demagogues, why do individuals or classes of men interfere, who have no authority to interpret treaties, not even for themselves as a rule of conduct? If government, or those whose duty it is, think the right claimed by the French is not founded, and against treaty, the laws of nations and our interest, the proper officers would appear and the exercise of the right be prohibited. Such observations have weight, and many good men, who well intend and who well support government in the execution of laws, are much perplexed and made to

waver.

In this State there is but one opinion, except in this town. Here dwell all the seditious, and desperate; and here we have lately had to combat and to subdue them, both in a meeting of the trade, and of the town. It was a good opening to give a full approbation of the late proclamation, and to get the citizens pledged in favor of neutrality, and the measures of government, and to excite similar feelings and votes in other towns. I expect we shall have in this way the voice of a large part of the State, perhaps above a hundred towns.

These proceedings you will see in the papers, but not the effects yet.

I offer you these facts and observations, as matter of informa tion, which may or may not be useful. To judge from the state of things here, the sooner we come to the touchy points, which seem to arise out of our case, and not to be avoided, the better it will be. Let us take our stand upon clear ground, or the best which our case will admit, seems to be here the general language.

But here we see in part only, and may not know of difficul ties which perplex government.

Pacificus is operating here without interruption. Our patriots, though pressed to enter the field, dare not venture on more than street harangues. I am pledged to meet Dr. Jarvis, the bell-wether of the flock, either in public discussion in person, or upon paper, whenever he shall notify the intention of making a formal attack.