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important and interesting occasion, more especially having been one of only three; but perhaps if there had been many, the Emperor would not have felt the same unreserved freedom. For many days I seemed as though I had been exposed to a blaze of light, so powerfully was I impressed with the dignified, yet unaffected, humble, and pious countenance, manner, and expression, of that truly great Prince, who seems indeed to have been walking on the light, and to be filled with the love of truth and goodness. In him the power and law of the Almighty are eminently displayed; for how can we see a frail mortal, who, in the midst of worldly glory, and almost adored by surround ing multitudes, instead of being puffed up with it, is, with the spirit of an humble christian, triumphing over pride and vanity. How can one see a human creature who has been nursed up in the lap of despotism, and that in the midst of dark superstition, and yet filled with light? How can one see this, without being at the same time sensible of the beauty and truth of our Saviour's assurance? "With God all things are possible"-it has indeed been a lesson which I earnestly desire may not be thrown away upon me, and which I hope may have a beneficial effect upon many.

I must not omit just mentioning, that being spoken to on the subject of the slave trade, the Emperor unequivocally declared his sense of the enormity of it, saying of the Africans, "they are our brethren, and are like ourselves." He also expressed himself in a very satisfactory manner, as to the part he had taken to get it abolished. The following account was communicated to Ann Wacey, by Stephen Grissette, personally:

Stephen Grissette, remarking to the Emperor the satisfaction of his having such a sister, the Emperor replied, " It is, indeed. She is the gift of Heaven, for she is sensible of the influence of the Divine principle on her own heart; it is no use to speak to those who have not felt it." On hearing S. G. relate some particulars of his own life, he mentioned, "I consider you as safely landed, whilst I have to combat with troubles and difficulties, and am surrounded with temptations. Why don't some of your people visit my country? If any do, don't make applications to others, but come immediately to me; I promise you protection, and every assistance in my power."

He made many enquiries respecting the principles of Friends, and said, “ am one with you in sentiment respecting the spirituality of your worship." Enquired how they passed their timewhether they were consistent and happy in domestic life? On being told how they divided the day, he remarked, "It is the most mature, and such as I should like-not as many who spend so much time in drinking wine, which is below the dignity of man." "Asked if Friends had any colleges for the education of their young men?-thought it would be better if they had; and enquired if any went to Oxford or Cambridge without they would adopt the costume and speaking of prayer He said, "I pray daily-not in any form, but as I am animated by the Divine principle in my own heart."

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On taking leave of S. G., he said, "Take my hand as a friend and a brother. I have had great satisfaction in this interview, and hope, when parted, we shall often think of each other."

In giving this account, S. G. said, no words could convey the fullness of his satisfaction in having paid this visit. I believe I may truly call him the CHRISTIAN Prince.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. SIR,

D

URING my residence at Newcastle, I was induced to visit the tomb of the poet Cunningham, who lies buried in St. John's Church-yard, close by the side of his friend and patron, the late Mr. Slack. I was sorry to perceive his monument had suffered considerably, having two or three fissures in it, besides its having sunk considerably on one side. 1 had just been reading Carey's harmonious tribute to his memory; it was complimentary, but his genius deserved it, for surely of all those who have attempted the hacknied lays of pastoral poetry, no one, for fidelity of sketch, easy flow of metre, and tasteful simplicity of language, can equal the enchanting muse of our British Theocritus, Cunningham. As I stood by his modest Shrine, I could not help enthusiastically exclaiming,

And sleepest thou here, sweet Bard, so

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nate George Morland, we can see Nature within doors while perusing it.

What can exceed the vividness, the correct delineation of this stanza? "From the low roof'd cottage ridge,

See the chattering swallow spring, Darting through the one arch'd bridge, Quick she dips her dappled wing." O Wouwermans, how would thy happy pencil have copied this!

But it was not in tuning his pipes amid the sylvan recesses of Pan and his wood nymphs, that Cunningham solely displayed his abilities as a poet. I fully agree with Dr. Evans in the eulogium he has passed upon him, and cannot but regret that, like Collins, Cunningham was so over-ruled by mental indolence that he could seldom

"muster courage" to give birth to the intellectual beauties of his mind.

His 66 Elegy written on a Pile of Ruins," ranks, next to Gray's, the finest in our language; if the poetical reader consults those of Mason, Shenstone, Duncombe, Ogilvie, Whitehead, and a host of others, he will not find one whose language is so impressively solemn, whose sentiments are so suitably grand, nor any so interesting to the moral feelings as this often selected, incomparable elegy. I cannot help thinking that Burns, when he wrote his popular song of Flow gently sweet Afton" had Cunningham's" Her Sheep had in Clusters" in his mind; both nymphs appear asleep, and beheld by their swains, who both desire the birds will not disturb their slumbers, &c. I could point out several other choice flowers which have been transferred from this English garden, by the Scotch bard to his bouquet. In his Cunningham, like his brother Corydon," Shenstone, was plain, and somewhat coarse featured, but his mildness of deportment, and unreserved agreeableness when in conversation, rendered him a favourite with every person who knew him. The list of subscribers to the life edition of his poems, shew how much he was held in esteem by the most respectable classes in society; he used often to be at Stockton on Tees, and occasionally came into the late Mr. Lumley's shop, during the time my uncle* was apprentice, who informed me he would sometimes stay and chat with him at the counter, about the markets, fishing, and theatrical performances: in short, he was considered by every person who

person,

*The late Mr. George Smith, of St. Saviour's Church-yard.

had opportunities of knowing him, as a most agreeable man; he would generally spend his evenings in the parlour of a quiet public house, (I forget the sign) where, like Dr. Langhorne, and Professor Porson, his favourite beverage was ale. ENORT SMITH.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

S

As many of your correspondents write in favour of spade cultivation, and as most undoubtedly that is a most advantageous way of supplying the surplus or supernumerary labourers with employment, I beg leave to add an idea on the subject, which is, I believe new, and may, I think, prove highly beneficial.

depth of ten or twelve inches, spade Wherever the soil is good to the cultivation produces greater crops than the plough; at the same time it is admitted that to substitute spade cultivation for plough cultivation over the whole country would be retrograding I think there is a medium, or rather in a strange and injurious manner, but combination of the two, that might be probably attended with great ad

vantage.

the plough, that is deep enough in good If all the arable land cultivated by soil, was to be delved with the spade think that it might be attended with once in ten or twelve years, I should advantage in point of affording greater crops. In that case, for every farmer to dig or delve one tenth of his land every year, would be the best way to put the plan in execution; and if that was found to answer it would give employment to a great number of hands.

The superior produce, by spade cultivation, is, I believe, ascertained so far that any given number of acres, ter crops than if they were cultivated cultivated by the spade, will yield betby the plough; it would then, at least, be well worth while to try the experiment of occasionally digging a ploughed field, for if that answered it would be attended with every advantage in a country that is fully peopled, as it would increase the demand for labour, as well as the profits of the farmer, and the quantity of food. In a nation where the number of inhabitants is

increasing so fast, as it seems they are now doing in this country, it is at least prudent, if not absolutely necessary, to begin to adopt every plan that will reconcile increased population with increased prosperity.

Population,

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For the Monthly Magazine.

SECTION.

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of grief. There were many fabulous stories about her, but my aunt (the mother of H. Lightfoot) could never trace any to be true."

The above is a copy of a cousin of H. Lightfoot's letter to me, on inquiry of particulars of this mysterious affair, and who is now living and more likely to know the particulars than any one else. The general belief of her friends was, that she was taken into keeping by Prince George directly after her marriage to Axford, but never lived with him.

I have lately seen a half-pay cavalry officer, from India, who knew a gentleman of the name of Dalton, who married a daughter of this H. Lightfoot, by the king, but who is dead, leaving several accomplished daughters, who with the father are coming to England; these daughters are secluded from society like nuns, but no pains spared in their education; probably on the arrival of this gentleman more light will be thrown upon the subject than now exists. The person who wrote the above letter is distantly related to me, and my mother (deceased some years) was related to H. Lightfoot, and well knew her. I never heard her say more than I have described already, except that she was short of stature, and very pretty. AN INQUIRER.

Herts.

For the Monthly Magazine. THE POLITICAL ECONOMIST,

No. I.

Consisting of Observations and Strictures on Modern Systems of Political Economy.

T

ADAM SMITH.

They sacrificed the end to the means, and seemed to consider it the same thing, provided the volume of wealth were augmented, whether it rolled down one magnificent river, or were the product of a thousand streams, circulating through different channels of society. Hence their precepts were directed solely to obtain the largest produce with the least expence of productive agency. For this purpose labour was not only to be subdivided to the utmost limit, but to be economized by every possible contrivance-capital to take whatever direction was the most profitable-and industry to be left with

out the least controul or interference from authority. Man was considered a being purely selfish, who, by being suffered to pursue his own interest, would best promote the interest of the community.

What changes such a system might induce-how far it was compatible with the interest of morality, individual liberty, or national independence—waз never contemplated by its authors. They viewed their subject only on one side; it was a mere theory, professing indeed to be simple and practical, but in reality founded on false views of human nature and the ends of society.

First, Man is more a creature of his passions than of his reason; and instead of pursuing calculations of interest, he is frequently guided by habit, pride, or a love of ease.

HE late Dr. Colquhoun, of statistical memory, was a particular instance of that class of economists who attach an almost exclusive importance to the mere augmentation of national wealth. The Doctor never appeared in such high glee, as when turning into pounds, shillings and pence, Secondly, Capital and industry, the value of our steam-engines, high- though they may sometimes be more ways, public buildings, docks, canals, advantageously employed in other chanagricultural implements and other items nels, they cannot be moved about with which make up the aggregate stock and the facility of a fluid. A loss is always capital of the community. But though sustained, in the first instance, by a these unquestionably are very impor- change of employment, and such is the tant, especially as sources of public fluctuation in the demand for particurevenue and external power, we know, lar products, from variations in public from experience, that the possession of taste and other causes, that it is not them is compatible with a very high impossible a second transfer may bedegree of internal misery, and that a come necessary before the gain derived nation may abound in ships, commerce from the first has compensated for the and manufactures, while the mass of loss it occasioned. In this case society the population is in a very lamentable would be impoverished rather than enstate of indigence and degradation. So riched by the original change of occufar then, at least, the science of political pation. economy is defective, when its inquiries are directed solely to the acquisition of wealth, and not to the more important object of rendering that wealth conducive to public happiness.

In this way unfortunately, has the subject been usually treated by the most eminent economists from Adam Smith downwards. They taught how nations might become rich rather than happy,

Thirdly, Though labour may be economized, seeing there is a certain number of people to maintain in every state, it may happen that what is gained by the substitution of machinery, may be counterbalanced by having to maintain an unemployed population. This is on the supposition, that the workmen thrown out of employment cannot find a resource in other branches

of

of industry; or that the increased cheapness of commodities produced by machinery does not so far augment the consumption as to create new employment equal to the old it has superseded. Fourthly, The advantage of an extreme division of labour, which tends to perfect each branch of industry, is partly compensated by the intellectual degradation produced by the human mind being confined to one simple occupation. To have never done any thing, as M. Say remarks, but make the eighteenth part of a pin, is a sorry account for a fellow-creature to give of his existence.

Fifthly. The kind of employment is of importance with a view to the moral and physical character of a people. For example, no one would wish to see the entire population, though it were the most profitable, employed in the manufacture of woollens, linens, and hardware, to the exclusion of rural pursuits.

Lastly, Every country is liable to have its relations of peace interrupted, consequently it were extreme impolicy in a nation aspiring to independence, to depend on a neighbouring state, with whom it may be at war, for the means of subsistence.

These are a summary of the most important reasons which may be urged against the unqualified adoption of the theory of "The Wealth of Nations." But to illustrate more clearly the tendency of Smith's system, it is only necessary to advert to the circumstances in which a nation may be placed by following out his principles. Supposing then the employment of capital and industry were abandoned entirely to individual cupidity, what would be the result?-how would society be constituted? It would evidently undergo great changes; manual labour would probably for the most part, be performed by machinery ; a few rich capitalists would carry on the great business of agriculture and manufacture; the working classes and smaller tradesmen, would either disappear altogether, or their condition be entirely altered; the former perhaps metamorphosed into paupers and menials-the latter into clerks, collectors, overseers, and superintendents. The middle ranks, which constitute the chief excellence of modern society, would be supplanted by an aristocracy of wealth.

Or the change might be much more pernicious. Instead of capital being divided betwixt agriculture and manu

facture, it might flow entirely to the latter, and the whole country become a congregation of workshops and counting-houses-its surface-its corn-fields and pastures turned into bleaching grounds, or striped out into canals and highways; while the people themselves depended for their daily bread on supplies from France, Poland or Odessa. On either supposition society would be any thing rather than improved; its moral no less than physical landscape would be impaired. Nevertheless it might have augmented its wealth— might possess a larger nett revenuebe able to pay a greater amount in taxes

to maintain a more numerous standing army-a more powerful navy-or more expensive ecclesiastical establishment,-but these would be very inadequate equivalents for the loss the community had sustained by the extinction of the intermediate gradations of society; dividing it into two great classes, the rich and the poor, and establishing a chain of monopoly and dependence more oppresssive than the feudal system.

Such, however, might be the consequences of following the doctrines of Smith. The wealth which he seemed to consider as the exclusive object of national policy, is obviously only a mean of public no more than individual happiness: it may exist in great abundance, yet from a vicious application be an injury rather than a benefit. A nation is only advantageously rich, when its wealth is so distributed as not only to augment the number but the intensity of the enjoyments of the mass of the population.

Hence appears the necessity of watching over the employment of capital and industry, so as to render them most conducive to the general welfare. They will undoubtedly flow into the most profitable channels, as it is termed, but it is this tendency to accumulate in particular directions, so as to induce an unnatural state of society, that may sometimes render it expedient to regulate their movements.

The policy of thus occasionally interfering with public Industry, has given rise to a new class of economists, whose doctrines bear the relation to the principles of the Wealth of Nations, as that great work bore to the Agricultural System of the French writers. In both cases the difference is rather about the applicability of certain principles than the truth of the principles themselves. Smith did not deny the

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