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the Vistula. The Empress accompanied him to Dresden, to visit her own family. Arrived in that capita!, he spent fifteen days with the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and nearly the whole of the princes of the continent; holding a court, as it were, composed of kings.
It was not till the 3d of July that he published his causes for complaint against Russia, the campaign having been opened on the 22d of June. In a proclamation bearing the date of the latter day, he said, " Russia is borne sway by a fatality, her destinies are about to be accomplished."
Bonaparte entered Wilna on the 28th of June, where he established a provisory government, while he assembled at Warsaw a general diet, for the object of restoring, under his auspices, the ancient state of Poland. During this time the French army continued its march, and passed the Niemen on the 23d, 24fh, and 25th, and arrived at Witepsk in the early part of July, to direct its route to Smolensko. In their inarch the invaders obtained several victories. The Russians, finding that the French were too powerful, adopted a plan which, aided by the inclemencies of the season of winter, in a country like Russia, would produce a victory much more certain than the chance of the sword. The constitutions of the French were little capable of enduring a Russian winter; their privations, too, were great, and the means to procure provisions scanty. These continued, led to the downthrow of the Russian expedition. The French, however, nothing daunted, pushed on, and arrived near Moscow; the battle of Borodino took place on the 10th of September, so fatal to both armies, in which at least 60,000 men perished.
Napoleon pushed on to Moscow, while the Russians retreated. It was in this city that the secret plan which they had organized was put into effect. All the inhabitants had previously evacuated the city by the orders of Count Hostopschin; and when Napoleon entered it, four days after the battle, he found it not only deserted, but in flames! Their palaces, their houses, and their churches, were consigned to that devouring element, to impede the march of the French; and by removing the means of shelter and subsistence at the same time, destroy their means of annoyance. This stratagem, unique in modern warfare, was, nevertheless, the
practice of the Russian gorerument,and they adopted it as, perhaps, the only mode of saving the Russian empire.
The burning of that vast city, while it sacrificed so much, preserved the empire, and destroyed the resources of Napoleon. His winter-quarters were the worst that ever invading army took possession of. The army remained for thirty-five days in the ruins, exposed to every privation; and when, at length, it was determined to remove, they demolished the remaining monuments of the once flourishing city, the palace of the Czars. Thus, by these manoeuvres of the Russians, the war in Russia was put an end to, and the French were compelled to return into Poland. The Russians had assembled innumerable regiments of militia, who harassed the French night and day, pursued them from post to post, and, seconded by frost and famine, produced the destruction of numbers of the enemy. Accompanied by Caulincourt, Napoleon arrived, on the 10th of December, at Warsaw. On the 18th of December, he entered Paris in the night. The following day a bulletin disclosed his immense Tosses.
On the 10th of January, 1813, he presented to the senate a decree for levying an army of 350,000 men, to which the senate, without hesitation, assented. Having prepared for (he campaign, which was about to commence early in April, and having now to oppose the combined force of Prussia and Russia, he set out to take the command of his army. On the 2d of May, having advanced as far as Lutzen, he encountered the Russians and Prussians, whom, after a long and obstinate resistance, he compelled to retire upon Pegau in Misuia. Austria undertook, at this moment, to become a mediator, and expressed very strongly a wish to procure for Europe a long and durable
Seace. The overture and mediation id not succeed, and the battle of Bautzen followed: the result was a defeat to the enemy, whom the French followed to Reichenbach, where a very sanguinary contest took place with the rear-guard. Duroc, Napoleon's personal favourite, was killed. On the 26th an armistice took place for some days, and negociations were opened, which, however, were put an end to on the 4th of June. During the suspension of hostilities, every means were employed by the allies to induce Austria to join the
league, league, and having long Wavered, declared in favour of the allies.
Napoleon, after the rupture of the armistice, endeavoured to reach the Prussian capital, hut he experienced considerable checks. The allies, on their side, moved forward to attack Dresden, hut iu this movement they were repulsed, Napoleon having had time to return and defend the city with his best troops. The Austrians suffered considerably on that occasion, and Moreau, who had come from America to fight under the banners of the confederates, was mortally wounded. Napoleon was advised to retire on the Rhine, but he neglected to profit by that advice, and was obliged subsequently to retreat upon Leipzic, where a most sanguinary contest ensued, which lasted for three days. He reached that city on the 14th of October, and the battle was fought on the 16th, 18th, and 19th of that month. It was considered as decisive of the contest, so far as it regarded Germany. The Austrians, in their enthusiasm, named it "The Battle of Nations," and they annually celebrate it. ,The loss was immense. Among the killed was Prince Poniatowski of Poland; twenty-three generals fell into the power of the allies; the Dukes of Ragusa, Reggio, and thirteen other general officers were wounded. Of 184,000 men, opposed to 312,000, not more than 60,000 remained; the Saxons, Bavarians, Westphalians, and the remainder of the contingents, declared for the allies.
Napoleon arrived at Frankfort on the 31st of October, and with rapid haste reached the Tuilleries, where the authorities, in the usual terms, approached to compliment him; but Bonaparte, with his usual frankness, to their—" Your majesty has surmounted every difficulty," replied, " AVithin the last year all Europe marched with us; now all Europe is leagued against us." It must be confessed the answer was worthy of him: though admitting that fortune opposed him,lie did not shrink from an avowal of the truth. He demanded of the senate another levy of 300,000 men, which, as before, was granted to him; but the legislative body, in a .respectful manner, hinted at the necessity for concluding peace.
On the 26th of January following, he said to his council, " I go to put myself at the head of my armies. In three months you shall have a glorious peace, or I will perish." The Prussians
had seized on Brienne, where they occupied a fine position, but which they neglected sufficiently to guard: Bonaparte attacked them vigorously, and soon dislodged them. Seconded by the Austrians, they returned to the charge, and in their turn forced the French to retreat. General Blucher advanced upon the Marne towards the middle of February, with the army of Silesia, and occupied Chateau-Thierry, while the grand army, commanded by the sovereigns in person, marched upon the Seine. Bonaparte seemed to retire, as if afraid to encounter the enemy, though merely with a view to cover the capital; but on a sudden, with the left wing,of his army, he attacked, with irresistible impetuosity, the allied corps, posted at ChainpAubert, and which formed the grand link of the two allied armies; this corps was overthrown in two successive affairs at Montmirail and ChateauThierry, and the French took 10,000 prisoners.
On the 13th of February, the day of the battle of Champ-Aubert, the advanced-guard of the Russian army entered Soissons, and General Bulow seized upon Laon, on the one side, and the corps of Count De Wittgenstein moved on the Seine, and obliged Bonaparte to direct his steps to that point. The conflicts which ensued in consequence were most sanguinary both at Montereau and Nogent; and after having experienced great losses, the principal part of the allied army was obliged to retire upon Troyes, and then to evacuate that city. The early part of March was rendered, remarkable by a treaty of alliance, concluded between the King of England and the Einperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, by which they bound themselves not to make a peace, nor to agree to a truce except under certain conditions. This was signed at Chatillon, and was made known to Bonaparte on the 15th of March, with an alternative either to accept the conditions, or, in case of a refusal, to abide by the consequences. He refused the terms, attacked Blucher on the heights of Craone, and obtained some advantage, which, . however, was rendered useless immediately after by a reverse. In his bulletins, in detailing, these affairs, he did not despair, but talked of making a point upon the Mouse to draw out the garrisons of Alsace and Lorraine, and having thus obtained an accession of
troops, to fall on the rear of the combined armies. On making this movement, he wrote to the Empress Maria Louisa, then Regent of France, that he had lost all hopes of covering the capital, and that the only chance that remained was for him to endeavour to draw the enemy after him. Thb) dispatch was among the intercepted letters seized by General Blucher. The allies, in consequence, made a rapid movement on Paris.
On the 30th of March, the allies attacked the heights of Chaumont, but they were repulsed with loss. To that attack succeeded one on Rotnaiuville, which was terribly contested. Inferior as they were in numbers, the French defended themselves bravely for several hours, and made a terrible havoc among the assailants. At length, however, their extensive position was forced on several points, and they were driven back to the barriers of Paris.
It was at this moment that Marmont sent a flag of truce to demand an armistice, and to propose to deliver up the city. The allied sovereigns acceded to the proposition, and granted an honourable capitulation. During the time these transactions were taking place at the northern barriers, Joseph Bonaparte, to whom his brother had confided the command of the capital, saved himself by quitting it on the west. Bonaparte, however, hastened to Fontainbleau, but was apprised, four leagues from Paris, that the city was no longer his. He accordingly returned to Fontainbleau, where he remained with 50,000 men and 200 pieces of cannon. The result was, that he was allowed to retain the tille of emperor, with the sovereignty of the Isle of Elba, to which he was to retire with a revenue of two millions of livres. He appeared resigned to this disposition of his person and fortunes; but, on the 20th of April, at ten o'clock in the morning, when all the carriages were ready, he said to General Koller, commissioner from the Emperor of Austria, appointed to accompany him, "that he had reflected on what he had done, and he had decided to remain; that, since the allies were not faithful to their engagements, he conceived that he also could revoke his abdication." At eleven o'clock his grand-marshal, Bertram!, announced to him that every thing was ready for setting out; to him he replied, " The grand-marshal does not know me then, since he thinks I
Monthly Mag. No. 357.
am bound to regulate my movements by his watch. I shall set out when I like, and, perhaps, not at all." Notwithstanding these difficulties, he descended, at noon, into the court of the chateau, where the grenadiers of his guard were in waiting. He was immediately surrounded by the officers and soldiers; he embraced the chief, and made him bring the eagles, which he equally embraced.
During the lime which he remained in the Isle of Elba, he appeared resigned lo the change of scene and to the reverses of his fortune. But the Bourbons and (he allies fulfilled none of the conditions of their treaty; and the English papers announcing a design to remove him by force to St. Helena, he determined once more to try his fortune in France. That he might be prepared to embark at the proper moment for his return, he purchased feluccas at Genoa, procured ammunition from Naples, and arms from Algiers. When every thing was ready, he gave a brilliant fete at his little court, and whilst Madame Bonaparte, his mother, and the Princess Pauliua, his sister, were employed in doing the honours of the assembly, he embarked with 1200 men in the night of the 25th of February, 1815, and on the 1st of March he lauded, without any impediment, in the gulf of Juan, in Provence, at 3 o'ekek in the afternoon. He immediately issued a proclamation, announcing that he had returned to resume his sceptre, which the people had confided to him, and of which treason had robbed hiin. He then proceeded by forced marches to Grenoble, where he was welcomed by Colonel Labedoyere, and, in two days after, he entered the city of Lyons, where he experienced a similar reception. Become, by these easy means, master of the second city in the kingdom, he proceeded to exercise all the powers of sovereignty; he chose his state-councillors, his generals, his prefects, and published various decrees, among which was one for abolishing the noblesse, another proscribing the Bourbon family, and a third for convoking a national assembly, with the name of Champ de Mai. Satisfied with his reception at Lyons, he replied to their adieus by exclaiming, " Lyonese, I love you I" By the affection of the people and the authorities he was enabled to arrive, by rapid marches, at Paris. He penetrated through the heart of France without drawing a sword; G on on the contrary, at the mention of his name and his presence, he was received every wherewith acclamations and cries of Vive VEmpereur.
Marshal Ney and his small corps went over to him; Generals Drouet, Lallemand, and Lefebvre, finding resistance useless, gave him their support. On the 20th of March, at eight o'clock in the evening, he entered the capital. The following day he reviewed the army, thanked them for their zeal and fidelity, and then received the congratulations of his generals, of .his ministers, his councillors of state, the magistracy, &c. &c. and announced the approaching return of the Empress.
On the opening of the assembly of representatives, on the 7th of June, he said, he was about to begin in Europe a constitutional monarchy. But the allies were very rapid in their movements; already they menaced the northern frontiers of France, and Bonaparte having collected an immense materiel, quitted Paris on the 12th of June, to meet and oppose their progress: he arrived, on the 13th, at Avesnes, on the 15th he forced the enemies" lines on the Sombre, and on the 16th he repulsed the Prussian army. On the 18tn, the decisive battle of Waterloo was fought. He attacked the superior army of the Duke of Wellington on the heights; and it must be confessed that never was a contest conducted with more skill or determined bravery, and which, in its consequences, was of such moment. The issue decided the fate of Europe. The dispositions which he made for the onset were masterly, and a complete victory over Wellington was snatched from his hands by the arrival of two bodies of 60,000 Prussians, and by the treachery of Grouchy, who was connected with the party of his enemies. The struggle was long, obstinate,and bloody, but terminated by moonlight in the total rout of the French.
The bravest men of the French army fell in this action, the remainder were dispersed; so that of 95,000 men, not more than 45,000 afterwards reached Paris. Betrayed during the battle, and fearing domestic treasons, he instantly returned to the capital. The French people, soured by the result of this action, were disposed to withdraw their confidence, for they feared the introduction of the allied troops into the capital. Those who had been opposed to his return, stirred up his friends to urge him to abdicate
the throne. He consented at last, not without some difficulty, to this second abdication, taking care to provide for his interest in the empire, by proposing to abdicate in favour of the young Na. poleon, under the title of Napoleon the Second.
Relying on the supposed liberal character of the British government, he proposed to deliver himself into their hands, conceiving that in England he should find an asylum worthy of hiirt to receive, and of a liberal nation and powerful enemy to grant. It seems, however, that he was not quite determined afterwards upon the asylum he should seek, for he embarked at Rochefort with a view to emigrate to America; but learning that the English cruizers were on the alert, he hesitated, and, at length, made up his mind to put himself into the hands of the commander of one of the English ships. "I come," said he, on appearing before him," to deliver myself up to the most implacable, but, at the same time, the most generous, of my enemies." He was then conducted on board the Bellerophon man-of-war, where he was received with respect. He was very anxious to be permitted to land in England, and wrote a letter to the Prince Regent on the subject. The English ministers determined not to accede to his desire; and it was settled that he should be sent, for safe custody, to the island of St. Helena (which for a year before had been publicly named as his destination), there to be kept for the remainder of his life. To this arrangement the allied sovereigns consented. England, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France, each sent a commissioner, and the governor specially appointed to guard him in that island was Sir Hudson Lowe; an officer who, during the previous campaign, had been employed as a sort of military secretary, following the Prussian army, to report, from time to time, to the British government.
On the generosity of this conduct to the fallen hero, it is not necessary to make any comment. Since his confinement in St. Helena, Napoleon has often remonstrated, but without effect, against the petty vexations, insults, and privations to which he has been exposed. He engaged himself in writing a history of his life, the ninth book of which has already been published, containing his own views of the events of the year 1815, with full details of
the the battle of Waterloo, which delivered Europe into the hands of the combined legitimates.
Thus fell Napoleon k Grand—a man to whom history presents no resemblance; and who was the object either of the hopes and fears, the love and hatred, the admiration and envy, of all his contemporaries. Manyofhisfriends wished, for the sake of his glory, that he had died on the day he entered Moscow; or, for the sake of his happiness, that he bad been killed at Mont St. Jean; but in the inglorious triumph of his enemies he had an opportunity of perfecting the portrait of his character by his resignation in adversity, and by exhibiting the passive virtues just as in his former days he had displayed the" heroic ones. He lived, too, in hope; for he well knew the feelings of the people of Europe relative to himself and his enemies, and he never ceased to believe that changes-would take place in his favour. The scene is nowclo?ed —but we think he would not have been disappointed, had he lived a few years longer. The tears that have been shed by the brave and virtuous, in France, and other countries, on the occasion of his death, have indicated feelings which, in due time, would have been likely to restore him to society.
How short his career! It is but as yesterday since he first was heard of as the hopes of the republican cause in Italy—then in a sort of Egyptian and Syrian romance—afterwards as First Consul and Peace Maker—then as Emepror and King, resister of unjust aggressions, and master of Europe from Cadiz to Moscow, and fromHamburgh to Otranto—the episode of Elba followed, the glorious return to Paris, and its unfortunate issue! Yet, short as was the period in the eyes of contemporaries, he governed France 16 years, or four years longer than the reign of Alexander, and nine years longer than the dictatorship of Caesar, periods which, though so short, make so conspicuous a figure in the history of the world.
The low insults and privations to which this illustrious man was subjected under the magnanimous regimen prescribed or permitted at St. Helena, are subjects on which, with all our liberty of the press, we forbear, from motives of prudence or delicacy, to enlarge. Attempts may be made to justify them, and it would be unfair to anticipate the defence. We do not hesitate to state,
Jor the honour of the age, however, that mankind in general have sympathized with the sufferer, and that the people of England have, at least, been greatly divided in their opinions. It Is difficult, in thinking on this subject, not to recur to iKsop's admirable Fable of the Sick Lion kicked by the Ass— and this, we have little doubt, will be the mental association of all posterity. The security of the peace of Europe is cantingly adduced in justification of these violations of hospitality—but, we ask, whose passions endangered that peace ?—and we re-affirm, for the hundredth time, that if the treaty of Amiens had been respected, and if confederacy after confederacy had not been formed against him, Napoleon would have stedfastly employed himself through life in cultivating the arts of peace, and in rendering France the happiest country on earth. Such is the opinion of those who knew him best, confirmed by facts connected with the origin and termination of the wars in which he was engaged. To the bad faith, jealousy, prejudices, and odious passions of those who originated the wars against the French revolution, and every thing which sprung from it, are, in truth, to be ascribed all the horrors of the late wars; and against their errors, and not those of Napoleon, was security requisite.
At the same time we admit that Napoleon was dazzled by success and flattery, and in yielding to their seductions, he furnished another proof that unlimited power ought not to be trusted to fallible man, however good or wise. If a genuine representative system had existed in France, or if he could have suffered his government to be physicked even by over doses, of the liberty of the press, he would have been checked in his career of power, and would have been warned and instructed by the ob servations of bye-standers. The circumstances of the moment, perhaps, rendered a truly popular government dangerous, and the unceasing conspiracies of the continental' despots, rendered the press an available instrument of treason: besides, Napoleon was a man—a military man—habituated to undivided authority, and obliged during every hour of his reign to act on the defensive. Yet, under these circumstances, he formed and promulgated the Five Codes, which still continue the equitable and intelligible laws of France, and will in all ages serve as a monument