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any colony or place which would return to its Ch. 2o. allegiance, together with a vague promise of redress. The Congress, to shew their contempt for this proclamation, affected to give it publicity, and accompanied it with some prefatory comments, shewing that it was devoid of any spirit of conciliation, and that the people could place no reliance on the justice or moderation of the King of Great Britain. The consequence was, that no response whatever appears to have been made from any quarter to Lord Howe's invitation.

It was now August, and no more time could be Intrenchment of Brooklyn. wasted in fruitless negotiation. The main body of Washington's army was at New York, under his immediate command; but a strong detachment, estimated by the British at ten thousand men, had intrenched the town of Brooklyn, at the western extremity of Long Island, nearly opposite to and separated from New York by a channel called the East River, about three quarters of a mile in breadth. It was necessary, therefore, to force this position before making the grand attack. Howe sent over a division of his army under General Clinton and Lord Cornwallis; the forces on both sides were supposed to be about equal. On the 27th August, after some skirmishing on the three preceding days, the British advanced; the Americans came out to meet them, and, for the first time, the two nations met in the open field. The conflict was soon determined in favour

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AMERICANS DEFEATED AT BROOKLYN.

of the old country and disciplined valour. The Virginians acquitted themselves creditably; but the raw militia from the Northern States gave way, and the Americans fled in confusion, leaving upwards of three thousand killed, wounded, and prisoners, including their three generals of division. The British pursued them to their intrenchments, but they were stopped by order of General Howe, who, together with Washington, had hastened to the ground soon after the commencement of the action. Had not Howe restrained his troops when flushed with victory and in hot pursuit of their flying foe, it is probable that the intrenchments would have been carried, and thus a signal and complete defeat would have been inflicted. But the English commander, confident that the remnant of the force

Washington's estimate of the loss on both sides was grossly incorrect. In his letter to Congress of 30th August, giving a very meagre and evasive account of the action, he says that his loss in killed and prisoners was from 700 to 1000; and that he had reason to believe the enemy had suffered still more. This would seem to be a wilful misrepresentation to prevent the public alarm which might have been caused by the knowledge of his real loss; were it not that in a private letter to his brother, three weeks afterwards, he makes a similar statement. General Howe's returns of prisoners and of his own killed and wounded are precise. The former were 1094, the latter 346. Howe computes that upwards of 2000 of the enemy were killed, wounded, and drowned. Washington returns the names of two only of his generals as prisoners, Sullivan and Stirling. But three generals of division were taken, Sullivan, Stirling, and Woodhall.-WASHINGTON'S Correspondence and London Gazette.

PACIFIC OVERTURES RENEWED.

in Long Island must surrender to him at discretion, declined the opportunity of striking a decisive blow. Washington lost not a moment in profiting by this error. Finding that the lines of Brooklyn were not attacked, he determined on retreating to New York. A fog favoured his design; and thus, in the face of the enemy, he was enabled to bring off the whole of his detachment in safety, with their stores, baggage, and some of their artillery.

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tures renewed.

Lord Howe, considered this a favourable mo- Pacific overment for attempting to renew his pacific overtures; and General Sullivan, one of the prisoners taken at Brooklyn, consented to be the bearer of a message to Congress, proposing that certain members of that body should be deputed to meet Lord Howe, not in their official capacity, which he could not recognise, but as American gentlemen representing the opinions of their countrymen, and willing to concert with him such terms of pacification as might be acceptable to both parties.

The Congress, though they were at that time in receipt of a most desponding letter from Washington, showed little disposition to meet this advance; and there were not wanting insinuations that Sullivan, who was a highly honourable man, should not have carried such a message. moderate party, however, who were all but a

k Letter to President of Congress, September 2, 1776.

1 Autobiography of John Adams.

The

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ADMIRAL LORD HOWE.

majority in Congress, would not suffer the proposal to be rejected; and after much discussion, Howe's invitation was accepted. The Independent Party, however, so far prevailed as to nominate the deputies. Three members were selected, Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge. The two first were notoriously committed to extreme measures. Rutledge, though not so decided, was only moderate in comparison with his colleagues. It was plain that no satisfactory result could be expected from a conference managed on behalf of the colonies by a committee so constituted.

Vice-Admiral Lord Howe, the senior flagofficer on the American station, and joint commissioner with his brother, the commander of the forces, for arranging terms of pacification with the colonies, was already a person of distinction. His life had been chiefly passed in the active service of his profession; and he had displayed on many occasions the courage and conduct which qualify an officer for supreme command. His professional zeal was the more honourable, as accident had given him early in his career both wealth and station. He had succeeded, when thirty-four years of age, his gallant brother, who was killed at Ticonderoga in the last war. On obtaining his flag, he availed himself of an interval of active employment to enter the House of Commons, in which, being an Irish peer, he was qualified to sit. In Parliament he applied himself chiefly to questions which concerned the navy, and was

FRANKLIN'S INTERVIEWS WITH LORD HOWE.

soon appointed a member of the Board of Admiralty. Apart from his professional eminence, few men were higher esteemed than Lord Howe for integrity, independence, judgment, and knowledge of affairs; and his reputation continued to acquire fresh lustre, until it shone forth in full effulgence on that glorious first of June (1794), when the aspiring genius of Young France was reminded that England, though humbled and reduced, had not yet relinquished the sovereignty of the seas.

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delegates.

The delegates who were deputed by Congress American to meet the British Commissioners, were persons of high provincial eminence, and one of them enjoyed a European reputation. Whatever difference of opinion may prevail as to Franklin's patriotism, candour and good faith, his fame, as a man of science and letters, rests on an indisputable foundation. He was well known in England, where he had passed many years of his life, and he was on terms of personal friendship and correspondence with many of the most eminent persons in this country and in France. With Lord Howe, he had recently held many conversations on American affairs; and the subject had been discussed with the frankness and good understanding which became men of sense and temper. Franklin plainly stated the terms upon which his countrymen would be willing to settle the dispute, and Howe had stated as plainly that such terms were inadmissible. John Adams, the second

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