315 Ch. 21. 1777 HARSHNESS OF LORD CHESTERFIELD. the handwriting of Lord Chesterfield. Dodd at once admitted his guilt, and stated what was no doubt true, that he had fully intended to cancel the obligation by paying the stipulated sum before, or when it became due. He was asked whether he was able and willing at once to refund the money? He immediately produced cash and bankers' bills to the amount of three thousand pounds, probably the proceeds of his guilt, and offered to assign his household furniture and other property as security for the balance. These offers were accepted; Martin took away the cash and drafts, and left Dodd under the impression that the matter was settled. And so it would have been, but for the harshness of the young nobleman whose name had been abused, but who had not, and could not have sustained any pecuniary damage by Dodd's misconduct. It was Lord Chesterfield who insisted on prosecuting his former tutor. He was convicted on his admissions to Martin; and though his guilt could probably have been proved by other evidence, still his conviction on such testimony gave an appearance of great hardship to the case. In vain, however, did the unhappy prisoner urge as a ground of acquittal, that all the money had been paid or guaranteed before the prosecution was instituted. That was no answer in point of law. Many persons, however, thought that in such circumstances neither public justice nor the protection of commerce, to INFLEXIBILITY OF THE KING. which so many lives have been sacrificed, imperatively required that a prosecution should take place. A petition, signed by upwards of twenty thousand names, earnestly submitted that this was a case for the exercise of the prerogative of mercy. Great exertions were made by the former friends of the convict to procure, not a pardon, but a remission of the capital penalty. Even Dr. Johnson, who indulged in no sentimental compassion for offenders against the law, and had no personal interest in Dodd, freely gave the wretched man all the aid his pen could afford. He assisted him in his defence at the trial. He wrote his petitions to the King and the Chief Justice. He addressed a letter in his own name to Jenkinson, who was supposed to have the private ear of the Sovereign. But all was in vain. The King was willing to yield in this instance, but Lord Mansfield contended that the law should take its course. It was said, that this case could not be distinguished in any material particular from the case of the Perreaus, who had lately undergone the extreme sentence of the law for a similar forgery. But though Dodd's plea, that he had made full restitution and satisfaction to the party really injured before proceedings had been taken, was worthless in law, still it was thought a hard measure of justice that no weight should be allowed to it as a circumstance of mitigation. The first session of 1777 closed in gloom. The 317 Ch. 21. 1777 318 Ch. 21. 1777 Military disasters in America. Determination INCREASE OF PUBLIC DISCONTENT. country was embarked in a war in which success would be neither glorious nor profitable, while defeat would be disgraceful and disastrous. The prospect of a speedy and decisive result was removed by the serious reverse our arms had sustained at the end of the last year; and though the Minister spoke of bringing the conflict to a termination in another campaign, the country derived little encouragement from a hope so faintly uttered. Meanwhile, a large addition was made to the public burdens for the support of a war which had already destroyed the colonial trade it was intended to protect. Public opinion began to take a turn, and the nation would have been well pleased if the dispute could have been settled. Parliament was wavering. Lord North and his friends had long since desired a settlement of this painful and troublesome question; but the King was inflexible, and he found hearty supporters in his war minister, Lord George Germaine, and the ministers of the Bedford party. These statesmen would listen to no other terms than unconditional submission from cowardly and ungrateful rebels. Such was their language. While in England, reconciliation with America of Congress. was becoming a favourite topic, the Americans had finally determined that no such proposal could be entertained, except on the basis of a treaty between two independent powers. In the preceding autumn, the several States had been MISREPRESENTATIONS OF FRANKLIN. engaged in framing their provincial constitutions, and making provision for local self-government, pursuant to the admonition of Congress; and the Great Central Assembly itself had already enunciated the articles of a federal union. The Congress had taken another step of great importance. Some time before the Declaration of Independence, they had opened a correspondence with France through Silas Deane, one of their members, who took up his residence in Paris. After the Declaration, they associated Franklin and Arthur Lee with Deane, in a commission regularly accredited, to negotiate treaties of alliance and commerce, between the United States and the Court of Versailles. The real object of the mission was to obtain aid from France in the prosecution of the war. 319 Ch. 21. 1776 France. The French government, though quite willing Franklin in to assist the colonists in any well-concerted plan of revolt against their common enemy, were unwilling to commit themselves to an enterprise which appeared almost hopeless. Franklin did not scruple to represent the cause of his countrymen as highly prosperous. Their army, he maintained, was well-appointed, and had obtained many signal military advantages; while the English were disorganised, and dispirited by want of success. America was invincible; she was the firm friend and ally of France, to whom she tendered the exclusive benefit of her commerce. The French court, which was furnished with regular and minute in 320 Ch. 21. 1776 Parisian fêtes. FRANKLIN INTRODUCED AT COURT. formation as to the progress of the American revolt, knew that Franklin's statements were the reverse of true, and that the cause of the colonists was almost desperate. The American envoys, however, were received with the greatest politeness; and Franklin's representations were listened to with every appearance of interest and satisfaction. The venerable philosopher was introduced at Court, not indeed in a diplomatic capacity, but as a distinguished citizen of the world; and the appearance, in that splendid circle, of the old man, attired with an affectation of republican simplicity, was eminently successful. At this period, Antiquity was at the height of fashion in Paris. Spartan manners and Roman virtue were the favorite themes in every saloon. The sumptuary laws of Lacedemonian statesmen were extolled as the height of political wisdom in the most luxurious capital of Europe, and the act of Brutus as the noblest effort of patriotism by the subjects of the Most Christian king. At this moment, the appearance of a genuine republican, of venerable aspect, upon the scene, was like a happy situation in a drama. For a time Franklin was at the height of fashion. Splendid entertainments were given in his honor; and the apostle of liberty was publicly crowned with laurel by beautiful and enthusiastic devotees. For the most part, however, the Parisians were content to expend their enthusiasm in the cause of American freedom in fêtes, demonstrations, |