basis on which the poor rates were calculated? most assuredly the 1000l. a year. What pretence, then, was there for saying that personal property contributed to the poor rates as largely as did the landed interest? These manufacturers perhaps did not tell the world that they manufactured other things besides cotton twist; but every one who knew anything of them well knew that they manufactured paupers-where the land produced one pauper, manufacturers created half-a-dozen.

He doubted the good faith of those who insisted on the reduction of the Army and Navy. His noble and illustrious friend the Duke of Wellington always desired to reduce the Army to the smallest possible limits that were necessary for the defence of our honour and our possessions. Now, looking at the state of Europe, Lord Brougham saw no reason what ever for saying that any large reductions in the Army or the Navy could be safely effected. Since the last meeting of Parliament there was every reason to feel that the defences of the country ought to be strengthened. From north to south-from Schleswig-Holstein to the foot of Italy-in Hungary, Croatia, Vienna, Piedmont, Venice, Sicily-there had been nothing to abate the apprehension of war.

There had been not exactly a suspension of hostilities, but a suspension of warlike operations. France, no doubt, was crippled in her resources, her Government overwhelmed with embarrassments; but it did not follow that she had no mind for war. France might not on this or that particular day declare war; but still her Government might be

driven by popular feeling to do things which might render war inevitable. Such things had been heard of before now as a general declaration of war against all crowned heads, and an assurance of support to all nations who might rise in opposition to their rulers. But with respect to France the question was, would the present Government last-would the existing peace remain unbroken? Within the last three weeks he had heard a member of the late Provisional Government in France say, that so far from there being any stability in the present state of things in France, there was not a Republican to be found in the whole country: therefore no one could attempt to deny the possibility of a restoration of the monarchy giving peace to France and to Europe. That doubtless would come sooner or later, but it might be long before it came; and such was the extent of the self-conceit of mankind, such the nature and amount of human frailty, that it became no easy matter to induce a nation to retrace its footsteps, and much time might elapse before such a consummation could be brought about. Let them only look at the late Presidential election, which would perhaps give them some idea of the strength of parties in that country. One-third or onequarter of those who returned Louis Napoleon voted also in favour of Ledru-Rollin or Raspail. They were supporters of the Republique Rouge, the Jacobin Republic; they were of the same character as the men of 1792, 1793, and 1794: such politicians cared nothing for the state of the finances; they could resort to assignats; they could use the sponge

and wipe off the national debt, and so go to war in the manner of the earlier Republicans.

Glancing at other foreign topics, Lord Brougham declared that England was especially bound not to forget her ancient alliance with Austria, a state which had a common interest with us, and never came in conflict with us. There was also that other great empire -Russia-the impregnable position of which formed a most valuable counterpoise to the dissemination of Republican doctrines.

As for Ireland, he would not say that it might not be necessary to continue the new law for a season, but he wished it were possible at the same time to bestow on that country the inestimable privilege of lawyers who understood their business. He was glad that the Government had not congratulated the country on the so-called successes of the British arms in the Punjaub, for if the nation were thankful for them, it could only be on the Christian principle that reverses should be received with thankfulness, as coming from the Divine hand. In conclusion, he would only say that a real cause for congratulation was to be found in the fact that the commercial crisis had passed away; and he hoped that our merchants and manufacturers would not forget in the day of prosperity the lessons which the speculative classes had been taught, by bitter experience, of the miseries of over-trading.

Lord Beaumont thought Lord Brougham had attached too great importance to the maintenance of friendly relations between Austria and Great Britain, and warmly defended the line pursued by France and England with regard

to the Sicilians, who had been treated with great barbarity by the Neapolitans.

The Earl of Winchilsea thought that a reduction in our naval and military establishments would be fatal to the empire, and declared that the Ministers must be quite infatuated who could think of proposing such absurd economy.

Lord Stanley could not help remarking on the want of judg ment which the Ministry had displayed in concocting a Speech in which scarce a single paragraph was not open to hostile criticism. In the first place, there was great exaggeration as to the increased prosperity of the country, which, after all, had shown very slight symptoms of revival. Again, for the first time in his Parliamentary experience, Her Majesty was unable to say, that she continued to receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their friendly relations;" all that the speech was able to say was, that it was Her Majesty's "constant desire to maintain the most friendly relations with all Foreign States." He was glad to hear that such was the desire of the Government, for he had hitherto thought that the constant desire of Her Majesty's advisers had been to embroil us in the affairs of every Foreign State. In Spain a British Envoy intermeddied, and was expelled with insult. Austria was so disgusted at the unfriendly attitude of England, that she had not thought it worth while to signify by a special Envoy to the Court of St. James's the accession of her new Emperor. In Italy we had interfered, and the consequence had been a prolonged civil war between the King of Naples and his revolted subjects

in Sicily, when, if we had not plagued that Monarch with our advice and assistance, the quarrel would have been long since settled. In short, the state of our relations with almost every European Power was unsatisfactory, if not unfriendly. There, was, it was true, one great exception, and that was France; but the reason why we were on good terms with that country was simply because we had abstained from meddling with her internal affairs. As for the Punjaub, the state of our armies in that part of India was not such as to entitle us to look forward to being able to reduce our military establishments. The temper of Ireland was anything but satisfactory, and a long course of colonial oppression had converted some of the most loyal into the most disaffected subjects of the British Crown. In the face of all these causes for alarm, he was astounded at the audacity with which the Ministers had made Her Majesty declare that the aspect of affairs was such as to enable them to effect large reductions in the Estimates. (Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") "I venture to state, openly and fearlessly," continued the noble Lord, "that it is not the aspect of affairs abroad or in Ireland, but the aspect of affairs in another place, which has induced the Government to make reductions. I believe that they have no alternative but to do as they are ordered. I believe it is possible to effect some reductions in the civil departments of the army, ordnance, and navy. I also think that large reductions may be made by checking the abuses which exist in the administration and management of the dockyards. But the greatest security we could obtain for having

the work well done in the dockyards would be the passing of an enactment to deprive all persons employed in those yards from voting for Members of Parliament. I have heard at least twenty naval officers express an opinion that until persons employed in the dockyards shall be prevented from voting for Members of Parliament, it will be impossible to exercise efficient control over the work performed in those establishments. If reductions can be effected, in God's name let them be made; and, although one may wonder why such a course has been so long delayed, I will applaud the Government which shall economize without prejudice to the permanent interests of the empire. But when the country is in a position which requires that she should have all her resources and powers at hand, I cannot concur with those who, for the sake of economy, would largely diminish the naval and military forces of the country. ("Hear, hear!") I observe it is announced that the Government intends in the course of the present session to take some steps with reference to the amendment of the law for the relief of the poor in Ireland. A more important subject cannot engage the attention of the Government. I understand the Irish Poor Law is to become the subject of further inquiry. Now, without undervaluing the labours of a committee of either House of Parliament, my opinion is, that if the Government mean to lay before the committee a clear statement of the amendments which they intend to propose in the law, and ask the committee merely to occupy themselves with the details, they will obtain the cheerful and candid co-operation of

it be the object of the Government to throw the whole question before a committee in order that they may inquire into that which has already been inquired into, usque ad nauseam -more particularly when there is a department of the Government actually charged with the superintendence of this law and nothing else, which is able from its position to obtain more accurate information than any committee can; and when, too, we have a Lord Lieutenant who, I am glad to declare, discharges the duties of his high station in a praiseworthy manner to men of all parties, and is willing to receive their suggestions and advice-then, I say that Ministers will shrink from the responsibility which properly belongs to them and will betray their duty to their sovereign and their country." (Cheers.) Lord Stanley then went on to say that he could not join in congratulating Her Majesty upon the state of the country. True, the panic of 1847 had passed away, but Ministers were about to check the very improvement of which they boasted. The increase in the revenue of the preceding year had chiefly accrued from the import-duty on foreign corn. Another significant fact in the revenue-tables was a diminution in the Property Tax to the extent of 100,000l.: that sum indicated a loss of British capital thirty-three times greater than itself; it followed that the country had in the last year sustained a loss of capital to the amount of 3,300,000l. There was little reason to boast of prosperity in manufactures. It appeared from a document issued on the authority of the Board of Trade, that in 1848 the exports of the six principal articles of British

linen, silk, hardware, and earthenware-exhibited a diminution, as compared with 1847, of no less than 4,000,000l. sterling, and as compared with 1846, of 5,000,2007. They were accustomed to test the condition of the middle and lower classes by the amount of deposits in the savings-banks: he (Lord Stanley) had conversed with several noble Lords connected with different parts of the country, and they one and all declared that the withdrawal of deposits from the savingsbanks during the past year had greatly exceeded that of the preceding year: in Manchester alone the excess of withdrawals had amounted to 40,000l. or 50,000. Ministers themselves could not deny that the agricultural and West India interests were labouring under deep depression; yet they passed by those interests! He had predicted that the imports of foreign corn would bring down British corn to 458.: the price at that moment was 45s. and a fraction: if those prices continue, it was impossible that agriculture could be continued with profit to the farmer; and the loss must eventually fall on the labourer. Were Ministers aware that, in spite of those low prices that were to bring universal plenty and contentment, there were, especially in the southern counties, a larger amount of vagrancy, a greater prevalence of mendicancy, a larger number of able-bodied agricultural labourers thrown on the poor rates; and did they know that the poor rates, pressing exclusively on the land, were becoming a more intolerable burden, than for many years past? If such were the case, it was not honest to sink the fact.

Lord Stanley concluded his speech by moving the insertion at

the end of the paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech, "that the state of the revenue is one of progressive improvement," the following

words:

"We regret, however, to be compelled humbly to represent to your Majesty, that neither your Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers, nor the state of the revenue, nor the condition of the commercial and manufacturing interests, are such as to entitle us to address you in the language of congratulation; but that a large portion of the agricultural and coÎonial interests of the empire are labouring under a state of progressive depression calculated to excite serious apprehension and anxiety."

The Marquis of Lansdowne, in a speech of considerable length, defended the Ministerial policy against Lord Stanley's aspersions. He entered at large into the questions of foreign affairs which that noble Lord had adverted to, vindicating the measures of intervention which the British Government had adopted. He contended that Lord Palmerston had not interfered between Austria and Sardinia, or Naples and Sicily, without express invitation from both sides in each dispute.

He cited an old despatch by Lord Castlereagh, declaring that a change in the system of Sicily inimical to the freedom and happiness of the inhabitants "must be resisted;" and he explained that in the latter stages of the Sicilian contest, the British and French admirals had interfered to stop the most wanton and barbarous atrocities. Messina was bombarded after the white flag had been exhibited, and soldiers were landed to destroy the suburbs after the town

had surrendered. The admirals saw not merely soldiers killed, forts destroyed, and houses demolished, but they saw the lame, the sick, and the infirm, taken from the hospitals and butchered; women who had taken refuge in churches were in those churches violated and murdered; and people were dragged from cottages on which the white flag was flying, and were killed upon the road near the seashore, or were slain in their attempts to escape; and the admirals were prompted by feelings of humanity to interfere in order to terminate such atrocities. Sir William Parker avowed the responsibility of that intervention; but, on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, Lord Lansdowne desired to share that responsibility.

Respecting Schleswig-Holstein, the negotiations had advanced, not speedily, but satisfactorily. By the assistance of Prussia, and by the partial intervention of Sweden, Russia, and other Powers, the conflicting and difficult pretensions in which this collision originated had, by degrees, to a certain extent been withdrawn or disappeared; and there was every prospect that a satisfactory arrangement would be concluded.

Lord Stanley's memory had deceived him in supposing that the insult to the British representative at Madrid had not been noticed: the Spanish Minister was directed to leave the British Court.

As to the Irish Poor Law, Lord Lansdowne was decidedly of opinion that the law required some revision; and he hoped that the inquiry which it was proposed to institute on the subject would be brought to as speedy a termination as possible. Before the House