struggle would arise, which, in addition to the adverse claims of the population already on the spot, would render it necessary for the colonists to maintain themselves by force of arms in their new locations. Such a state of things would assuredly be no step taken towards the regeneration of Ireland. But it might be said that colonies would not necessarily be planted in Connaught, but that the land would be managed and cultivated by a high Commission. But such a Commission could not act more to the advantage of the public than the Boards already in existence. Another great feature of the right honourable Baronet's scheme was to be found in the parliamentary titles which were to be set up in a portion of Ireland. But such titles set up in some parts of Ireland would be unjust to proprietors in other parts of the country. He objected, therefore, to Sir R. Peel's scheme, inasmuch as his colonies would be impolitic, his management by a Commission would be nugatory, and his parliamentary titles would be unjust. Objecting, then, as he did to the measure of the Government, and to the scheme of the right honourable Baronet, he would support Mr. Herbert in the proposition which he was about to submit for substituting an income tax in Ireland for the rate in aid. But in addition to an income tax, which should be applied to reproductive works for the relief of the poor, they must also diminish the area of taxation, and apply a stringent Poor-Law test.

Lord John Russell followed, commencing his speech with a a vindication of the measure before the House, which, in answer to Mr. Disraeli, he denied to be un

just, inadequate, or illusory. If the Irish Members preferred an income tax, which income tax was to be paid into the Imperial Exchequer, and Ireland afterwards, in case of need, to be relieved therefrom, he was not sure that the Government would offer them any very strenuous opposition to the adoption of such a tax. But he was not willing to dwell at any great length upon the subject of the rate in aid, seeing that questions of a much larger character had been introduced into the debate. The noble Lord then, after addressing himself to those who urged the Government to propound some scheme which would have the magical effect of immediately regenerating Ireland, adverted to the circumstances under which the extended Poor Law of 1847 had been introduced into Ireland. A proposal was now made to revert to the principles of the law of 1838, and to make the workhouse the test of destitution. Had it not been for the famine, this test, perhaps, would not have been departed from. In the present circumstances of Ireland, it would be next to impossible immediately to return to that test. The Poor Law was not only a measure of humanity for the sake of relief, but also a measure of police for the sake of security. It was essential to maintain it in Ireland, but he was not only ready to admit that several amendments might be made in it, but had actually himself proposed several in the Committee now sitting. He was of

opinion, for instance, that improvements should not for some time be assessed to the poor rate; that there should be a maximum rate in each electoral division, and that the area of taxation in the south

and west should be, to some extent, diminished. Many suggestions had been made in reference to emigration, and complaint was made that the voluntary emigration now going on was drawing capital from Ireland. But much of the capital employed in the emigration now going on came from North America, and he feared that if the Government promised any great aid for the purpose of emigration, the remittances from emigrants for the emigration of their friends would either wholly or partially cease. He then came more particularly to the consideration of the plan proposed by Sir R. Peel. The first point which he proceeded to consider was, whether it would be of any advantage to have a Commission for the special purpose of dealing with the lands in the south and west. Such Commission must either have compulsory powers or be of a mere voluntary character. It could not lead to the imitation of what had been done in Ulster in the time of James I. Then the Government had possession of the land, and the people were not on it; now the State had not possession of the land and the people were still on it. If the object of the Commission was to facilitate the transfer of property, he was afraid it would lead to disappointment. He admitted that much yet remained to be done to amend the laws which encumbered the transfer of property. But any process for facilitating transfer must be conducted with full regard to the existing rights of property. He admitted, in reply to Mr. Disraeli, that it was the intention of Government to propose a loan of money in aid of some railways in Ireland, but denied that its decision to do so was the adoption in piecemeal of the plan

proposed by the late Lord George Bentinck. There were other amendments than those to which he had alluded which might be effected in the Poor Law, and which might be introduced during the course of the session. But he feared that no measures which might be introduced would satisfy those who looked for everything at the hands of Government. There were many evils in the present state of Ireland to which no Government could apply a direct remedy. In conclusion, he asked the House to agree to the measure now before it, a measure which would give some breathing time, and some hope to many who might otherwise not see an autumn's sun.

At the conclusion of Lord John Russell's speech a desire was generally felt to terminate the discussion, but Mr. John O'Connell warmly pressing another adjournment, it was finally agreed to. The next evening, several speeches were delivered for and against the Bill. Mr. John O'Connell commenced the debate. He said that he retained all his objections to the rate in aid, but saw no present substitute proposed for it.

He approved of Mr. Disraeli's plan for advancing money to complete railways. He approved also of that part of Lord John Russell's plan relating to drainage and public works. But above all, he recommended consideration of Sir R. Peel's plan.

Mr. Sharman Crawford opposed the rate. He had listened with admiration to Sir Robert Peel's speech; but hinted that tenant right, which had originated in the plantation of Ulster, might induce all the prosperity that was anticipated from the plantation itself.

Mr. Monsell wondered that Government should persist in this

measure in spite of the universal testimony against it, even from their own officers. It was sure to fail, because it attempted to deal with national famine by the machinery of a mere poor law. They had heard that 11-19ths of the union of Clifden had gone out of cultivation, and he understood that such was the state of destitution into which the inhabitants of the south-west were sunk, that in one district, during one of the frosty but seasonable nights of January last, a number of people had actually perished from cold. The better class of farmers were rapidly leaving the country. Since September last they had been seized with a panic, and they were emigrating and carrying their capital along with them. And these were not features which were confined to the twenty-one unions so often referred to; they extended to many other districts in the south of Ireland. In one district in particular, there were formerly ten proprietors who had been in the habit of giving employment; they were now, with the exception of two or three, totally ruined. One was in gaol, one or two had fled, another had had his property sold for poor rates-in fact, they were totally crushed. He assured the House that if ever there was a system formed for getting rid of an inconvenient class or race for getting rid of them slowly, but surely-such a system was at work in Ireland. He did not mean to say that the intentions of the Government were to do anything of the sort; but they were steering by the winds and waves rather than by the compass-they were thinking more of gaining majorities in that House than of devising measures for the real relief of Irish distress.

Mr. Monsell added that the proposal recently made by Sir Robert Peel had created the profoundest sensation in Ireland.

Mr. Horsman repeated with much force the objections to the Government scheme, which he decribed as a measure to tax espescially those who had been industrious. Sir Arthur Brooke also blamed the Ministers for persevering in so objectionable a plan. Mr. William Brown and Mr. Reynolds gave their support to the Bill on the ground of urgent necessity. The latter Gentleman spoke in high terms of the reception which Sir Robert Peel's speech had met with in Ireland. After some further speeches, the House divided, when there appeared

The Bill subsequently went through Committee and was passed.

In the House of Lords the second reading of the Rate-in-Aid Bill was moved by the Earl of Carlisle on the 11th of May. The noble Lord, after adverting to the responsibility which the Government were under to provide means to meet the awful emergency to which Ireland was at present exposed, proceeded to state the circumstances under which the present proposal was urged on the acceptance of their Lordships. After going through those statistics respecting Irish distress with which the public were familiar, the noble Lord admitted that the present measure, taken by itself, was imperfect, and that if the people of Ireland were rescued from starvation, it must be followed

by other more extensive and farreaching enactments. They might condemn the Government if they chose, but let them not, by rejecting the Bill, draw down on themselves calamities, the responsibility and the memory of which might not easily be shaken off. The noble Earl concluded by moving that the Bill be read a second time.

The Earl of Roden proposed, as an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. He was quite ready to give Government credit for its anxiety to meet the difficulty of supplying the wants of the Irish people, but he thought they had gone the worst way about it. Unfortunately for Ireland, scarcely a Session passed in which there was not some attempt at legislation made which in the next was utterly reversed, but it was a consolation to him, and others who thought with him, that there was an Almighty Ruler, who, out of the misery and wretchedness of the present day, would in due time develope results the most wise and beneficent; and all those who trusted in Him would, acting justly and honestly to the best of their power, leave the consequences to His guidance.

The Archbishop of Dublin said that he should be most factious if he offered any opposition to a Government coming forward with such evidently good intentions as those which seemed to actuate the advisers of the Crown on the present occasion, but if he should support the present Bill, he might fairly be asked when he went back to Ireland what security the Bill gave that the evils which it professed to remedy would not be perpetuated and magnified. There was no security that the present rate in aid

would stop at sixpence in the pound, or one shilling, or even at twenty shillings, and if nothing were done to stop this eating canker, and if no better guarantee could be given of those who had to support the pressure of out-door relief, he could not reconcile it to his conscience to support it.

Lord Beaumont confessed that the Government had only a choice of difficulties, nor could he agree with Lord Roden that all the blame ought to be thrown on the Government, for he thought that the Irish Peers and Representatives had not acted very candidly or very fairly in not coming forward to assist the Government on the question. Ireland would never be in a healthy state until the present occupiers were got rid of. The land must revert to the owners, and if they were unable to sustain the burdens and discharge the duties of proprietors, it must pass into the possession of new proprietors.

Lord Rosse recommended an improved administration of the Poor Law, and also the complete equalization of taxation throughout the whole United Kingdom. He also considered that it was the duty of the Government to afford assistance to able-bodied persons desirous of emigrating from Ireland, for he believed that no measure would be more generally beneficial.

The Marquis of Clanricarde recalled their Lordships' attention to the real question before the House, which was, whether they would or would not give a legal power to the Ministers of the Crown to save thousands from starvation. That was the question, and as to its decision he relied confidently upon the humanity and wisdom of their Lordships.

Earl Fitzwilliam complained