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regret to obtain the repeal of the stamp act; I CHAP. wish we could have done without it; I looked upon it as a piece of waste paper that no minister would 1778. ever have the madness to revive; I will with pleasure be the first to repeal it, or to give it up." In this mood Richmond sought to act in harmony with Chatham. On the same day, in the house of commons young George Grenville attacked the administration in the harshest terms, and proposing a change of ministry, pointed out Lord Chatham as the proper person to treat with America. The very sincere and glowing words of eulogy spoken by the son of the author of the stamp-tax were pleasing to Lord Chatham in these his last days.

While the British government stumbled about in the dark, Franklin placed the public opinion of philosophical France conspicuously on the side of America. No man of that century so embodied the idea of toleration as Voltaire; for fame he was unequalled among living men of letters; for great age he was venerable; he, more than Louis the Sixteenth, more than the cabinet of the king, represented France of that day; and now he was come up to Paris, bent with years, to receive before his death the homage of the people. Wide indeed was the difference between him and America. "I have done more in my day than Luther or Calvin," was his boast; and America, which was reverently Protestant, and through Protestantism established not the toleration but the equality of all churches. and opinions, did not count him among her teachers. He had given out that if there was not a God, it would be necessary to invent him; and

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CHAP. America held that any god of man's invention is an idol, that God must be worshipped in truth as well as in spirit. But for the moment America and Voltaire were on one side; and before he had been a week in Paris, Franklin claimed leave to wait upon him. We have Voltaire's own account of the interview. Franklin bade his grandson de mand the benediction of the more than octogena. rian, and in the presence of twenty persons he gave it in these words: "GOD AND LIBERTY!" Everywhere Voltaire appeared as the friend of America. Being in company with the young wife of Lafayette, he sought occasion to express to her his admiration for the heroism of her husband and for the cause which he served.

Almost simultaneously, Lord North, on the seventeenth of February, made known to the house of commons the extent of his conciliatory propositions. Of the two bills, one declared the intention of the parliament of Great Britain not to exercise the right of imposing taxes within the colonies of North America, the other authorized commissioners to be sent to the United States. In a speech of two hours, Lord North avowed that he had never had a policy of his own. He had never proposed any tax on America; he had found the tea-tax imposed, and while he declined to repeal it, he never devised means to enforce it; the commissioners would have power to treat with congress, with provincial assemblies, or with Washington; to order a truce; to suspend all laws; to grant pardons and rewards; to restore the form of constitution as it stood before the troubles. "A dull, melancholy silence for some

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time succeeded to this speech. It had been heard CHAP. with profound attention, but without a single mark of approbation to any part from any party or man Feb. in the house. Astonishment, dejection, and fear overclouded the assembly." After the house of commons had given leave to bring in the bills, Hartley, acting on an understanding with Lord North, enclosed copies of them to Franklin. Franklin, with the knowledge of Vergennes, answered: "If peace, by a treaty with America, upon equal terms, were really desired, your commissioners need not go there for it. Seriously, if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville, the bishop of St. Asaph, and yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with France."

The conciliatory bills, which with slight modifica- March. tions became statutes by nearly unanimous consent, confirmed the ministry in power. The king of France deemed it required by his dignity to make a formal declaration to Great Britain of his treaties with the United States. British ships of war had captured many French ships, but the ministry had neither communicated the instructions under which their officers acted, nor given heed to the reclamations of the French government. This dictated the form of the rescript which on the thirteenth of March was left by the French ambassador with the British secretary of state. It announced that "the United States of North America are in full possession of independence, which they had declared on the fourth of July, 1776; that to consolidate the connection between the two nations, their

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CHAP. respective plenipotentiaries had signed a treaty of friendship and commerce, but without any exclu1778. sive advantages in favor of the French nation." March. And it added: "The king is determined to protect

the lawful commerce of his subjects, and for that purpose has taken measures in concert with the United States of North America."

This declaration was held to establish a state of war between England and France. The British ambassador was immediately recalled from Paris, and the recall notified to the French ambassador. Lord North became despondent, and desired to make way for Lord Chatham. The king on the fifteenth answered: "I am willing to accept through you any person that will come avowedly to the support of your administration. On a clear explanation that Lord Chatham is to step forth to support you, I will receive him with open arms. Having said this, I will only add, to put before your eyes my most inmost thoughts, that no advantage to my country nor personal danger to myself can make me address myself to Lord Chatham, or to any other branch of opposition. Honestly, I would rather lose the crown I now wear, than bear the ignominy of possessing it under their shackles. You have now full power to act, but I don't expect Lord Chatham and his crew will come to your assistance." Fox would have consented to a coalition had it been agreeable to his friends. Shelburne, on being consulted, answered instantly: "Lord Chatham must be the dictator. I know that Lord Chatham thinks any change insufficient which does not comprehend a great law arrange

ment and annihilate every party in the kingdom." CHAP.

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When this reply was reported to the king, he 1778.

broke out with violence: "Lord Chatham, that per- March. fidious man, as dictator! I solemnly declare that nothing shall bring me to treat personally with Lord Chatham. Experience makes me resolve to run any personal risk rather than submit to a set. of men who certainly would make me a slave for the remainder of my days."

After a night's rest, the king wrote with still more energy: "My dear lord, no consideration in life shall make me stoop to opposition. Whilst any ten men in the kingdom will stand by me, I will not give myself up into bondage. My dear lord, I will rather risk my crown than do what I think personally disgraceful. If the nation will not stand by me, they shall have another king, for I never will put my hand to what will make me miserable to the last day of my life."

On the same day the king communicated to parliament the rescript of the French ambassador. In the commons, Conway said: "What have we to do but to take up the idea that Franklin has thrown out with fairness and manliness?" Among the lords, Rockingham advised to break the alliance between France and the United States by acknowledging American independence. Richmond still hoped to avoid a war. Lord Shelburne dwelt on the greatness of the affront offered by France, and the impossibility of not resenting it. Yet Shelburne would not listen to an overture in private from the ministers. "Without Lord Chatham," he said, "any new arrangement would be inefficient; with Lord Chat