he must remind the noble Earl that not | House, and succeed in carrying it through only in the last Session of Parliament, in Parliament, and then, when they found the other House of Parliament, but on the hustings also, the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Sir J. Pakington) took the greatest possible credit for the legislation with reference to the constitution of New Zealand; and he (the Duke of Newcastle) thought, if the Government deemed it just at that time to take credit for the constitution they gave to New Zealand, they were not now entitled to wash their hands of that that an obnoxious proposition had been passed, and one about which grave remonstrances were presented, that they should come forward and say they were not responsible for that part of the measure. He protested against such a doctrine. Petition read, and ordered to lie on the table. THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. LORD LYNDHURST: My Lords, I beg to call your Lordships' attention to the Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of the University of Cambridge, and the respective studies and discipline there, and which report has been laid on the table of your Lordships' House. Your Lordships are no doubt aware of the charges which have been repeatedly preferred of late years against the two Uni pineness, and indifference to improvement and not only indifference to improvement with regard to the discipline of those learned bodies, but an absolute disposition to oppose all improvement. With respect to these charges against the University of Cambridge, I wish to direct your Lordships' notice to a few passages which are contained in the Commissioners' Report. The Commissioners say measure, which imposed on the inhabitants of the colony debts to which they were not liable. The Government ought to do one of two things-they ought either to disown the measure, or to take on themselves the whole responsibility of it. And when the noble Earl said the Government found certain conflicting interests, and that they did not think it was right to consider the Colony on the one hand, or the Com-versities, accusing them of negligence, supany on the other, with reference to the claims which they admitted and the claims which they denied, he would remind the noble Earl that this was exactly what they had done, and what he had urged them not to do. This question between the Colony and the New Zealand Company was of a very serious nature, and the argument which he (the Duke of Newcastle) used when the measure for granting a constitution to New Zealand was under dis- "Before we conclude this Report, it is with uncussion, was this: "Do not attempt to that we endeavour in a few words to indicate the feigned pleasure that we attempt another task; legislate upon this question between the points wherein the University has in modern times Colony and this Company now; wait for shown in the spirit of her administration her wilfurther information; do not prejudge the lingness to enlarge the cycle of her studies, and to question, and impose a tax upon the people modify her institutions so far as the rigid severity for the liquidation of a debt which they supplied by our evidence that the University has of her laws permitted. We have abundant proofs say they are not liable to pay until you been liberal in the general administration of her have heard their remonstrances, and until funds, not husbanding them parsimoniously, but you have an opportunity of investigating bestowing them to the very limits of her power the grave charges which the colonists Nor should we fail to notice the vote of a comupon objects of great academical importance. have made against the New Zealand Committee to revise the statutes of the University, pany." That was precisely the argu- with a view to petitioning Your Majesty for Your ment he used; and but for the conduct of Royal sanction to an amended code of University the Government, he believed that part of laws. This committee was voted by the Senate the measure would never have passed into some time before the issue of a Royal Commission had been by any one anticipated. That the Unia law. He did not mean to say that the versity was ready to enlarge its cycle of studies, noble Earl or the right hon. Gentleman is proved by its instituting new triposes of the the Secretary of State for the Colonies moral and natural sciences, and thus affording to (Sir J. Pakington) were, solely or originally, most of the professors an extended field of usefulness. A like spirit has been shown by the colresponsible for the legislation in question; leges, which in several instances have, at a great he was ready to admit that the same view cost, and no small sacrifice of personal interests, which they had taken of it was taken by enlarged their buildings, and in all cases shown the noble Earl recently at the head of the themselves careful guardians of their corporate Colonial Office (Earl Grey); but it would property, by foregoing a part of the income of the be a novel doctrine if a Government should fit of the society. Many of the colleges also have existing body, with a view to the prospective beneintroduce a measure of legislation in that sought wholesome modifications of their statutes, given up valueless or injurious privileges, and gone to the full extent of their powers in obtaining the removal of restrictions which prejudicially limited the free election to their fellowships and scholarships. All these were spontaneous acts, and in the right direction. We regard them as the marks of a wise and honourable spirit, and they have been in good part suggestive to ourselves of the reforms we have ventured to recommend." In another part of their Report the Commissioners observe as follows: A "One happy circumstance in the position of the University is deserving of special comment. great majority of the college fellowships have long been open to free competition; this has given to the University a high moral elevation, and contributed in a high degree to make her the honoured instrument of public good. The same condition marks the distribution of many valued University prizes. It is, we think, this fact which has called forth a high sentiment of honour, and an unbending sense of public duty on the part of the governing powers and examiners, whether of the colleges or of the University. That the rewards of competition be given to the most worthy is a principle now so deeply penetrating the moral life of Cambridge, that its violation seems almost beyond the region of thought. What above all other things gives us hope for the future good of Cambridge, is the manly, free, and truth-loving character of her sons, springing in part, at least, from her collegiate system, the character of her studies, and the uprightness of her administration, producing in return confidence and goodwill on the part of those committed to her care. In all her members she believes that she possesses a body of men, who, strong in their historical remembrances. cling to what is truly good, would seek for no needless change, and would admit of no change which had not the fair promise of scientific, moral, and religious benefit." My Lords, as one of the oldest members of the University of Cambridgehaving been a member of the Synod of that body for nearly sixty years-having represented the University of Cambridge in successive Parliaments and holding, at present, a high office in that learned society-I thought it my duty to read these passages from the Report of the Commissioners, as affording the best answer to the charges, so often reiterated, to which I have referred, and which, I am sure, can have risen only from entire ignorance of what is passing within the walls of the University, and of the exertions made by that learned body to improve and extend, as far as their limited authority admits, the benefits of that noble institution. I hope your Lordships will excuse me for this intrusion. SELECT COMMITTEES. the Name of the Lord proposing the Question, The evidence was now in their hands, and would be found strongly in favour of the Motion he proposed. He was aware that one objection to the Motion was, that it was the practice of their Lordships to assimilate the proceedings of Committees as much as possible to the proceedings of the whole House, and that no divisions were ever recorded in their Lordships' journals. But he did not see the great virtue of the existing regulation with respect to the whole House; for he thought that House, like every other body, would gain by publicity. He called their Lordships' attention, however, to the fact that not only what was said in that House was recorded in the public newspapers, but it was the practice of two noble Peers, having a sort of semi-official position, to make out a list of divisions, which appeared first of all in the newspapers, and afterwards in Hansard. It might be said by some that there was no occasion to publish the divisions in their Lordships' House, as their Lordships represented no constituencies. Nobody, at any rate, would deny that their Lordships were amenable to public opinion. However, the same argument did not apply to Committees, as they were composed of Peers delegated by their Lordships; and it was desirable that their Lordships should know how the majority and minority were composed. He recollected that in one of the On Question, agreed to. House adjourned to Thursday next. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MINUTES.] NEW MEMBER SWORN.-For Peter- ture. 2 Land Improvement (Ireland); Leasing Powers (Ireland); Landlord and Tenant (Ireland); Tenant Right (Ireland). 3o Commons Inclosure. most numerously attended Committees of | Committees of that House. When their that House a Report was prepared by the Lordships delegated a certain number of Marquess of Lansdowne, as representing its Members as a Committee to consider a the opinions of the then existing Govern- particular question, the Report which they ment. Now, whether that Report was made was the Report of the Committee, wrong or right, as it was in conformity and was so regarded by the House. But with the existing legislation on the sub- the effect of the alteration would be, that ject, some record of it ought to have been everybody's opinion would be given as well retained; and it surely would have been as that of the majority. He would cerof interest to their Lordships and the pub- taiely say "No!" to the Resolution, lic to know what it contained, and what though he would not divide the House on the opinion of the minority was on the the subject. subject to which it referred. It was also of importance to know in what way particular paragraphs and recommendations in a report were carried-whether by a large or small majority, and in what way the Members voted; for it might happen that their Lordships would not give the same weight to the views of persons forming the majority which they did to those of the minority. When examined before the Committee to which he had already referred, Sir James Graham stated that the change which had taken place in the prac tice of Committees of the other House had been productive of unmixed good, and had proved most salutary in its results--one of the great advantages being that a minority had the opportunity afforded them of making known their views. He had no hesitation in saying that there was no department of the business of their Lordships' House that was more likely to do credit to their Lordships in the eyes of the public than the labours of their Select Committees. From the knowledge, the experience, and the ability of those who usually served on those Committees, they were peculiarly fitted to go into the investigations for which they were instituted; and as they examined witnesses on oath-which was not the case in the Committees of the other House he believed that the publication of their proceedings would go far to keep up and increase the estimation which their Lordships held in public opinion. He believed the opinion of the public was very much influenced in the case of public bodies, as in individuals, by what took place in small as well as in great affairs; and, if their Lordships opposed the Resolution which he now proposed, it might lead to an opinion-which was the very reverse of the fact that their Lordships were opposed to the safest and most necessary reforms. LORD REDESDALE objected to the proposed Resolution, on the ground that it would entirely alter the character of the POOR LAW ADMINISTRATION. MR. WALTER begged to ask whether the attention of the President of the Poor Law Board had been drawn to a case, reported in last Saturday's papers of a circumstance that had occurred in reference to a poor young woman who, in the last stage of pregnancy, and utterly destitute, had been, as was alleged, refused admittance into Lambeth workhouse? He wished also to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Poor Law Board had not the power to compel the Guardians to do their duty in such cases as that reported, without the intervention of the police; and, further, whether, if the right hon. Gentleman had noticed the case, he had taken any steps in the matter? SIR JOHN TROLLOPE said, he had seen the report referred to, and had directed inquiries to be made into the whole case. Mr. Hall, the Metropolitan Poor Law Inspector, had that day, by his instructions, proceeded to Lambeth workhouse to investigate the matter, and to report the result of his inquiries to the Poor Law Board; but when he (Sir J. Trollope) left his office, half an hour since, Mr. Hall had not yet returned. So soon as he had possession of the facts himself, he should be ready to state them to the House. As to any power in the PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS. Board of Guardians to call in the authority | next thing which the Committee should of the police to aid them in their duty, he consider was, whether postage should be knew of no such power, which he con- paid upon such papers as were sent to ceived would be wholly opposed to the them. He thought that they should exact entire spirit of the Poor Law Act. some trifling postage. The Committee might be made permanent, and should from time to time select the papers that should be distributed in the manner he proposed. He also thought, that, upon the dissolution of a society, these books should be distributed to other institutions, or disposed of as the House might think proper. He was desirous that full information should be given to the people upon the subject of finance, and colonisation. A selection of Parliamentary Reports and Papers such as he proposed, would, he was satisfied, be hailed as of the highest value and interest by the institutions in whose behalf he spoke, and would tend in a marked manner to diffuse among the people sound political information upon all the great subjects of national concern. They would show, too, that the representatives of the people, besides their attendance and debates in that House, were arduously engaged throughout the Session in the development of information essential for the public service. As he understood that the Government did not intend to oppose the appointment of a Committee, he would not detain the House further, but trusted that means would be devised for carrying out a measure which he was convinced would tend to rivet more firmly the links that connected that House with the most intelligent classes of the community. MR. EWART seconded the Motion. MR. TUFNELL said, he rose to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the expediency of distributing a selection from the Reports and Returns printed by order of the House of Commons, amongst the Literary and Scientific Institutions of the United Kingdom. The hon. Gentleman said, that his proposition was confined to a selection of the Parliamentary Reports and Papers-for to send down all those documents to any institution would be to overwhelm it-as the Members of the House were-with a mass of papers a considerable portion of which would be utterly useless. Indeed, he should be very glad to have the principle of selection extended to the documents printed for the use of Parliament itself; for, though nothing could exceed the value and interest of much that was printed in the "blue books" and papers, there could be no doubt that a great deal was printed needlessly. From 1731 to 1800 there were printed 110 volumes, and from 1801 down to the present time there were printed 1,794 volumes, not a few of which might have been very well dispensed with. In 1800 the annual number of volumes printed by the House was 20, now it was 60. He proposed that the Committee should lay down some rule as to what institutions should be entitled to these papers. An institution, for instance, ought to have a certain number of members to entitle them to the privilege. The mechanics' institutes had taken deep root in the country; they formed the great means by which the middle classes of society were enabled to obtain intellectual improvement; they were therefore deserving of peculiar favour, and many of the highest persons in the land, and some of the greatest statesmen of the age, did not disdain to lecture at some of them. To a conference held last year by the Society of Arts, the various mechanics' institutes sent delegates. The object of the conference was that such of those institutions as wished to affiliate themselves should enjoy the advantages which such affiliation would confer. He understood that since that time 230 institutions, numbering between 60,000 and 70,000 members, had so affiliated themselves. The Motion made, and Question proposed"That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of distributing, gratis, under certain regulations, a selection from the Reports and Returns printed by order of the House of Commons, amongst the Literary and Scientific Institutions, and Mechanics' Institutes, throughout the United Kingdom." MR. HEADLAM concurred most cordially in the object of the Motion, but would make one suggestion which he thought might add to its utility. At the present moment there was not only a difficulty in obtaining the Parliamentary papers on the part of those who could not afford to pay for them, but those who were able and willing to pay for them, and did not know exactly how to proceed, and the places where they were sold, frequently could not obtain them, because the booksellers, getting no profit on them, would not have anything to do with them. The public were not generally aware of the low price at which the documents in question could be had; and if they werethose in the country especially-unless they had some friend in London who would take the trouble to procure and forward them, they could not get them. What he would suggest, then, was, that the terms of the Motion should be so altered as that the inquiry should embrace the question, whether by any alteration in the mode of selling Parliamentary papers they might not be circulated with greater facility than at present. Amendment proposed "At the end of the Question, to add the words and to inquire whether any alterations should be made in the mode in which such documents are sold to make them more accessible to the com munity."" MR. HUME said, the question involved had been decided two or three times already; and he must remind the House of the boon which had been already conferred on the public by the adoption of the recommendation of the Committee of which he had been a Member-to reduce the price of Parliamentary papers to the mere cost of the paper and the printing. The price fixed by the Committee was 1d. per sheet, because they supposed that no one desirous of obtaining the information therein contained would object to so small an expenditure. The Committee found that the House had two millions and a half of valuable papers locked up, which were of no use to them, and were only costing the country a great expense for warehouse room; and therefore it was the House had adopted the recommendation of the Committee to sell them at the mere price of paper and print. He fully agreed in the desirableness of giving every publicity to all the information that came before the House, and which could not be collected by any other means; and it was upon that principle that he had always been favourable to removal of the tax on newspapers. He was pleased that his right hon. Friend had brought the subject forward; and he could not help pressing on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that if he was sincere in the speech he had made last night, there was a tax which he might take off, and which would have the effect of adding greatly to the knowledge of the people. Let the local newspapers, so long as they were confined to their own locality, be free from stamps, and only let them be stamped when they were sent through the post. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would not only support this Motion, but take into his consideration such a means of spreading knowledge as would be the result of such a plan, with regard to local newspapers, as he suggested. MR. MONCKTON MILNES said, he rose to confirm the observation of the hon. Member for Newcastle (Mr. Headlam), for it was the fact, that it was not generally known that Parliamentary papers were to be bought freely, and at a very low price. indeed, it was generally supposed that they could not be obtained at all without the intervention of a Member of that House. He had himself had many applications to him by persons to assist them in procuring them, who were unaware that they could get them so easily. He wished to take this opportunity of expressing his dislike to the change which had been made in the form of the reports of the House. The good old large orthodox folio had been abolished, and a little, thick, dumpy volume substituted, which was far less convenient, for by turning over a folio page you could see at a glance whether there was anything in it which you wanted to read, while in a small volume you took twice the time in finding it out. He quite agreed in the proposal of his right hon. Friend, and he only hoped that if the papers of the House were to be more largely circulated, that Committees would be more careful as to the extent of questions that were put, so as to avoid collecting together, as was now the case, a quantity of unreadable stuff. MR. FORTESCUE, as one who took a strong interest in mechanics' institutes, begged to thank his right hon. Friend for this attempt to extend a new class of reading to them. It was said, that judging from the decline in the circulation of Chambers's Journal, the Penny Magazine, and similar publications, the principal reading the working classes now cared for was political; and if that were so, care should be taken that that kind of reading should be of the best quality. He cordially approved of the Motion, as he thought the perusal of these papers would show the working classes that more was done in the House than mere talking and debating, and the information contained in them would tend to correct many crude and mischievous ideas. The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, there could be no doubt that the Parliamentary literature of this country was one of the most remarkable features |