in reference to the landed interest of this country; and he felt the truth of that doctrine with tenfold force as applied to those distant colonies. They had legislated for the men around them-for the men who gave them their political power. They had legislated for their prosperity and their welfare at the expense of those remote and defenceless communities. The colonies had not been, it was true, altogether without champions in that House to urge their claims; but they unfortunately had not that power of asserting their rights which other interests possessed. They had no doubt benefited the consumer at home, but they had done it by inflicting an amount of suffering upon those colonies which no country could be justified in inflicting upon any class of its fellow subjects. He had to thank the House for the great patience with which they had listened to him at such an unexpected length, and he could only say, in conclusion, as he said when he began, that he had no connexion with the West Indies-that he had no interest in them-but that he had been solely influenced from a feeling of his duty as a public man to advocate their cause. He was not disposed to deviate from anything ho had ever said with respect to giving full justice to the West India colonies. He hoped that the prosperous state of affairs which marked the colonies in the present year would be prolonged and permanent, and that their vigorous efforts to save themselves would be crowned with success. He would say in conclusion, that no man could derive more pleasure from their prosperity than himself. He had not the least objection to give the hon. Gentleman the Member for Westbury the papers for which he moved.

by any Member who chose to bring them | benefit one class of the community at the forward, and it was manifest that each expense of every other. He had said that Member who had a grant to support would endeavour to gain the other Members to aid him by promising to support any grants they might demand, and that without any reference to the Estimates or to the ability of the revenue to bear them. Hence also had arisen that most alarming state of things which they beheld. He could not conceive, indeed, any country in a condition more seriously depressed, socially and financially, than Jamaica; and he had to repeat that Her Majesty's Government felt, whatever course might be pursued with respect to differential duties, that the state of Jamaica was different from that of any other colony, though they could not enact any duty which would not fall on all other Colonies alike. Therefore Her Majesty's Government, as the government of Sir Charles Grey, was nearly approaching its conclusion, proposed to send out a Commissioner without any power of government, but who should inquire and report on what reforms and changes could be effected in the financial and social condition of the island, in the hope of restoring prosperity there. He could not conclude what he had to say with respect to Jamaica, without adding, that after having taken considerable pains with reference to the unfortunate position of that colony, and looking upon its present state as one the most calamitous, he still could not regard it with despair. He believed, on the contrary, that by judicious alterations, and by judicious arrangements in its finances, and by other reforms which were so evidently and so imperatively necessary, there was every reason to hope that Jamaica might yet be saved from the calamities which nearly overwhelmed her; and he could most sincerely say that he felt the deepest sympathy for the colonies. MR. EWART said, these colonies were He deemed it to be the duty of the Govern- suffering on account of the false position ment to afford them every possible assist- which they occupied. They were no doubt ance. If that assistance were freely and suffering from the recent sugar laws, but fairly extended to them, he had little doubt whilst these laws had occasioned cases of but that the difficulties by which they were individual suffering, they had contributed at present overshadowed would be removed. to the comfort of the great body of the He should, however, state, in answer to the Empire. He rejoiced to hear that it was hon. Member for Westbury, that he could the intention of the Government to send not retract the censure he had so often ex-out a Commissioner to Jamaica, to inquire pressed with regard to the legislation of 1846. He still was of opinion that that legislation had been adopted too precipitately. He had said, on a recent occasion, that he could not justify an attempt to

into her financial condition. He remembered that when Malta had been long suffering from financial embarrassment, a Commissioner was sent out to that Island, and from the time that the reforms he

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON begged in explanation to give his assurance that there was no intention on the part of the Government to propose the prolongation of the differential duties.

MR. MOFFATT said, that it was very desirable that the Government should state whether the right to refine in bond was to be considered as compulsory or optional. Was the exercise of the right to be optional, or was the system to be uniform?

suggested were carried into effect, Malta | that official to visit British Guiana as well. became prosperous, and had so continued He was also disposed to think that some to be. He (Mr. Ewart) thought he had a good would result from the permission to right to complain that the right hon. refine sugar in bond. Baronet (Sir J. Pakington) did not during his address quote as much as he could have done from the despatches of colonial governors as to the state of our colonies. The right hon. Baronet did not refer to the favourable view which Governor Barkly took of the future state of British Guiana, nor had he alluded to the hopes held out by the Governor of St. Vincent. He cordially approved of the conduct of the Government in dislaiming all intention either to prolong the differential duties now about to expire, or to revert in any respect to the exploded protective system; and as for the West Indian colonies, however distressing their condition might be just at the present moment, he was not without hope that in the lapse of time they would be restored to prosperity by the introduction of British capital, the application of machinery, and the increased energy of the planters themselves, who would yet acknowledge that they had been benefited, rather than injured, by the principle of unrestricted competition.

MR. HUME said, he also participated in the gratification which the renunciation, on the part of the Government, to revert to the protective system, had manifestly created in the House. The Colonies had suffered from nothing so grievously as from the continual upsetting of their affairs; and he, for one, would never give his assent to any further tampering with a settlement which was offered and accepted as final. He hoped that the differential duties would be allowed to wear out tranquilly, and that the colonies would be taught to depend as much as possible upon their own resources. He would not give to the planters one shilling from the public purse, but he would legislate for them in a fair and impartial spirit, and there was no assistance which could be given to them without injury to other interests which he would not be most happy to offer. He would reduce as much as possible the expense of cultivation, and would afford them increased facilities for procuring labour, confident that by this means he would promote their welfare more effectively a thousand times than if he were to perpetuate the differential duties. He approved of the Government's intention to send a Commissioner to Jamaica, and strongly urged the propriety of directing

LORD STANLEY said, that the hon. Member for Ashburton (Mr. Moffatt) was quite right in calling their attention to the points to which he had just alluded. They were very important, and it was desirable that the House and the country should receive information with respect to them at the earliest possible moment. But at the same time they belonged rather to the department of his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, than to any other; and he believed he might say, on behalf of his right hon. Friend, who was not now present, that he would be prepared to answer those inquiries whenever they should come directly before the House. As regarded the general question at issue, he (Lord Stanley) had no desire to prolong the debate, which appeared to him to be rapidly verging towards a natural death; but he must say that, in his opinion, there was some little discrepancy in the language of hon. Gentlemen opposite. The hon. Member for Westbury (Mr. Wilson), addressing them in a very long and a very eloquent and instructive speech, had professed his object to be to prove that the West India colonies had not suffered in reality by the passing of the Act of 1846. His object seemed to be to comfort those colonies by showing them that they had not suffered from the legislation of recent years. But immediately after that

hon. Gentleman the hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. Ewart) rose on the same side of the House, and told them it was quite true that the great financial and commercial changes which had taken place must have inflicted severe injury on individuals, however they might have benefited the British community at large. The hon. Member for Dumfries admitted the suffering, which the hon. Member for Westbury denied, but said it was owing to an inevitable necessity;

it seemed to him (Lord Stanley) that his right hon. Friend the Secretary for the Colonies had said with perfect justice, that if any public man had formed an erroneous opinion as to what would be the result of any particular measure, it was his duty not to conceal his change of opinion, but to

that the fate of the Ministry was dependent | raised another controversy as to what had on the result of that debate. It would be been the result of the Act of 1846. Now in the recollection of the House that Sir Robert Peel, in supporting that measure, distinctly declared that he entertained serious apprehensions as to what the consequence might be with regard to the slave trade, and with regard to the West Indian colonies; and that the only reason why he gave his assent to its passing was a politi-state it openly. He (Lord Stanley) was cal consideration wholly independent of the not one to deny that he-and he dared say merits of the Bill-the consideration how many of those who coincided with him in its passing or its rejection would affect the his general political views--had entertained. state of parties in that House. Now, he apprehensions regarding the amount of inshould not venture to say one word for the jury which the Act of 1846 would inflict purpose of questioning the wisdom or the on our sugar-growing colonies that had not justice of the course which had been pur- been realised to their full extent. His right sued on that occasion by the late Sir Ro- hon. Friend had entered so fully into that bert Peel, who felt, as he had stated, that he subject that he (Lord Stanley) did not think had at the time only to adopt what he be- he need trouble the House with any details lieved to be the less prejudicial of two respecting it. But he said that, looking at courses. But this he (Lord Stanley) the measure, not as they saw it at present, might say that if he or any of his hon. by the light of subsequent experience, but Friends had expressed doubts as to the looking at it as it was seen in the year working of the Act-if they had ex- 1846, he did think it was a harsh and pressed doubts whether it would not have a hazardous measure. He also thought been productive of injury both as regard- that it had been productive of, or, at least, ed the condition of our sugar-producing that it had been accompanied by, much colonies, and also as regarded its influ- greater and more general distress in the ence on the slave trade, they had express- West India colonies than had at any preed no doubts and put forward no opin-vious period prevailed for any length ons for which they had not had the sanc- of time together in those colonies. That tion of the high name and authority of the was a fact on which he thought evilate Sir Robert Peel. He would not travel dence could hardly be required. The hon. over those arguments upon that question Member for Westbury had made rather which years of discussion had already made light of the alleged distress of some of the familiar to every Member of the House. West India colonies. Now he (Lord He certainly had not met with any Gen- Stanley) was not going to quote the evitleman and he did not think the hon. dence of planters or of any interested parMember for Westbury himself would be an ties upon that subject; but he would quote exception to the rule-he had not met with from official documents evidence which any Gentleman who looked to their legis- would prove the existence of severe distress lation as regarded our sugar-producing Co- in many of those colonies since the passing lonies, as a whole, that would be ready to of the Act of 1846. He supposed that the contend that that legislation had been hon. Member for Westbury would admit other than what he (Lord Stanley) and his that the Report of local colonial CommisFriends had characterised it—that was to sioners appointed by the Governor of a say, harsh and unjust. He did not con- colony was an official document, and as sider the Act of 1846 separately. He such was worthy of credence. Now he took it as part of a great whole. He held in his hand a statement from the Relooked at the Act of 1834, at the Act of port of the Commissioners appointed to in1838, and at the Act of 1846. He took quire into the state of British Guiana, and those measures collectively-he took the in that Report he found it stated thatgeneral policy of the mother country towards her sugar-producing colonies; and he said that he must be a bold man who should rise in that House and assert that that policy had been other than unjust. But then the hon. Member for Westbury

"It would be a melancholy task to dwell on the misery and ruin which so alarming a change as the Act of 1846 had occasioned."

And the Commissioners went on to say, that-

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They felt themselves called upon to notice the effect which the wholesale abandonment of property had produced in the Colony-an abandonment under which it was not to be wondered at that the most ordinary marks of civilisation were rapidly disappearing, while in many districts all travelling communication by land would soon be utterly impracticable."

He called that a state of distress, and that state had existed no longer ago than 1850. There was another test of distress furnished by the Commissioners, which was perhaps even of a still more conclusive character. It appeared from the same Report that the whole population of British Guiana consisted of about 82,000 persons, and of these 42,000, or more than one-half, were supposed to be utterly unproductive as regarded the only staple article of export from the colony, namely, sugar, while of the remaining 40,000 not less than 20,000 were immigrants mostly from the East Indies. It appeared, therefore, that out of the whole native population there were only 20,000 productively employed. He would not, however, weary the House with any further proofs of distress, of which he hoped and believed that the worst was now passed. He readily admitted that during the last twelve or fourteen months there had been a considerable improvement in the condition of the West India colonies generally. But he should deny even at the present moment the accuracy of the proposition which the hon. Member for Westbury had broadly laid down-that there was no such thing as general distress still existing in any of these colonies. When he found a statement like that which his right hon. Friend (Sir J. Pakington) had read from a despatch of the Governor of Jamaica no longer ago than at the beginning of the present year, he thought it was impossible not to see that that statement proved conclusively the existence of considerable distress in the island of Jamaica. But that despatch did not stand alone, because in a despatch, dated the 23rd August in the present year, Sir Charles Grey stated, that

"he proceeded to review the state of the Colony with a feeling of great regret that the Colony still remained in a very struggling condition;" and he added that

"the revenue of the Colony did not fully meet the authorised public expenditure, although that expenditure had been already reduced fully onethird."

Now he (Lord Stanley) said, that with such statements before them, and similar

statements would apply in a diminished degree to British Guiana also-he thought it was too much to ask them to admit that no general distress had existed in those colonies since 1846. He did not, however, deny that in the smaller colonies, especially in Barbadoes and Antigua-wherever the land was limited in extent-so that squatting became impossible, and wages were not exorbitant, so that labour could be obtained the present condition of such colonies was not only prosperous, but was more so than it had been for many years past. He, therefore, frankly admitted that even if there were no other difficulty in the way of imposing a differential duty between foreign and colonial sugar, arising out of the state of parties in Parliament, and out of the general feeling of the country, an obstacle would exist in the impossibility of making any distinction. between one colony and another; while if a general differential duty were levied in favour of all the colonies, the advantage accruing therefrom would be derived, mainly, if not exclusively, by those colonies which were already in a flourishing condition. He thought that was an objection which could hardly be surmounted, and that it was conclusive against any further attempt to modify the Acts of 1846 and 1848, with a view of affording relief to the West Indies. With regard to the bearing of the Act of 1846, on the slave trade, he thought they would admit that within the last few days there had been laid before the House most satisfactory evidence of the decrease of that trade. But they should not be led away by a consideration of the present state of that question to forget that only two years ago that House and the country had been so far from anticipating the suppression of the Brazilian slave trade, that a discussion had been raised among them as to the expediency of discontinuing their efforts to obtain that object, and of withdrawing their African squadron. And not only had that point been discussed in that House, but it had been referred to a Select Committee. Now, he admitted, that in that respect a most gratifying change had since taken place, and he believed they might consider that the Brazilian slave trade was at the present moment utterly extinguished. The same thing, however, could not be said of the Cuban slave trade. But, although there was no improvement at present in Cuba in that respect, yet he thought that there was a prospect of im