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amount, as to the terms which they will | tleman's statement of the revenue, that give you for its renewal. A worthy Alder- there is an actual deficiency. These are man (Mr. Alderman Thompson) entered not times when we ought to trifle with the other night into a defence of the Bud- the revenue. No economy is so good as get; but, Oh, what a smash, what a cruel that of maintaining the finances in a high wreck and ruin, has that right hon. Gen- state of credit. The right hon. Gentleman tleman made of that defence this evening! has referred with triumph to the high price The right hon. Gentleman has, for the of the funds; but every one knows that the first time, in unmistakeable terms, stated money market is, to a great extent, reguthat his surplus consisted only of the re- lated by those who buy with the view of payment of money borrowed, or the crea- selling again immediately for profit, and tion of a debt; and the question the Com- not with a view to permanent investment, mittee has now to consider is, whether The Chancellor of the Exchequer has dethey will give their sanction to a financial parted from the sound policy of supporting scheme founded upon a surplus so ob- a surplus revenue, and no Minister will tained. The Chancellor of the Exchequer ever receive my support for his financial proposed to vamp up a surplus out of bor- policy which proceeds upon such a system. rowed money, and with that fictitious sur- It is a principle most dangerous, and most plus he hoped to obtain the sanction of the of all dangerous and inconsistent in a ConCommittee. I fully agree with the right servative Government. The right hon. hon. Gentleman that the Committee in Gentleman spoke of terminating the war of 1822 recommended that this fund should classes. Why, Sir, he has done more than be devoted to 66 Ways and Means," in any other man to revive and renew that order to its being applied to the payment war; and if I saw the hon. Member for the of the debt; but at that time there was West Riding (Mr. Cobden) in his place, a considerable surplus revenue. The same who I know to be as strongly attached to remark will apply to the recommendation the principle of establishing a difference in of the Committee of 1828, also quoted the income tax, I would make my appeal by the right hon. Gentleman. I am well to him, and say, "That is your principle, satisfied with one or two of the explana- and you are ready to adopt a reasonable tions offered by the Chancellor of the Ex- plan for that purpose; but, I ask you, if chequer. I was pleased with what he said you approve of a Government which, in with respect to the Kafir war, and I can- submitting its plan, announces a popular not bring myself to criticise his intelligence principle, obtains a temporary harvest of too harshly. Let us cherish the illusion, popularity, and leaves the question of givif it be one, till, at all events, it is dis- ing effect to its announcements to the chapplaced by intelligence not open to dispute. ter of accidents." I will ask hon. GentleI thank him also for his explanation re- men who are so squeamish on the subject specting the malt tax for the years 1854 of anxiety for popularity, if they heard the and 1855, though I think he has not al- speech of the right hon. Chancellor of the lowed sufficient for the drawback, or for Exchequer, in which he has laid out before that reduction in the quantity of malt con- the public the good deeds of the Governsumed by the brewers previous to the ment, as a shopman lays out his wares? drawback. I think, however, that accord- Many similar deeds have been done by ing to the right hon. Gentleman's own former Governments, but they were never showing, the loss in subsequent years upon paraded before the House and country as the malt tax will be an enormous loss most they have been by the Chancellor of the slowly replaced. But I am not at all sa- Exchequer to-night; as though they were tisfied with his statement respecting the the carrying out of one of the "new prinrefining of sugar in bond. It will have ciples " upon which we are hereafter to be the effect of increasing differential duties, governed. I hope that this country, if it and increasing the expense of collecting has not been governed by enchanters and the revenue. In his statement with re- magicians, has at any rate been governed spect to the income tax there is a palpable by men of sense and honour in former hiatus in his figures, and upon adding them years; and I venture to say that no man up the total falls short by nearly 140,000l. who has held high office has not over and The right hon. Gentleman's surplus con- over again effected operations when the ocsists of the Exchequer Loan Fund; which casion required, of equal or greater imporis, in fact, a surplus of borrowed money, tance, without parading them to the House and it is clear, from the right hon. Gen- in a speech on the Budget. When I speak

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of the right hon. Gentleman renewing the of Commons, but of which I thought it was war of classes, I do not mean that he is the peculiar pride and glory of the Conreviving it on the question of protection; servative party to be the champions and but I found my statement on the fact of the leaders. Are you not the party of his having launched opinions with respect 1842? Are you not the party who, in to the reconstruction of the income tax, not times of difficulty, chose to cover a deficit, supported by any executory means. But and to provide a large surplus? And are the Chancellor of the Exchequer closed his you the same party to be united now in s speech by stating that he was opposed by time of prosperity, to convert a large sura coalition. What is the meaning of these plus into a deficiency? I appeal to you by charges of combination and coalition? and what you then were. I appeal to you to where is the evidence by which they are act now as you did then. Us you have supported? Is it because the right hon. cast off. I do not blame you for that. Baronet the Member for Halifax (Sir C. I am, indeed, always disposed to view with Wood) opposes the Budget-and I likewise regret the rupture of party ties my dishave the misfortune to do so that there position is rather to retain them. I confess is therefore a factious combination between that I look, if not with suspicion, at least us? Does the evidence of factious com- with disapprobation, on any one who is bination depend upon concurrence in a disposed to treat party connections as vote? If so, why was not the complaint matters of small importance. My opinion of combination raised about a fortnight is that party ties closely appertain to those ago, when we, from a sense of justice and principles of confidence which we entertain duty, gave a vote not altogether inconve- for the House of Commons. But us you nient to the Government? And why is it, have cast off for inconsistency. because we now conscientiously differ and ever complained of that? Have we ever dissent from the financial policy of the Go- made it matter of charge against you? vernment, that we are not to be free again No, certainly not; you owe us no grudge to give an honest and independent vote? on that account. But you must remember It seems to me that the right hon. Baronet that you also have a character to maintain the Secretary of State for the Colonies ap--that you also are on your trial—that you pears to think that they have a vested in- also are bound to look with suspicion on terest in the votes of hon. Members near those principles of financial policy which me. I vote against the Budget of the depart from those rules that not only all Chancellor of the Exchequer, not only be- statesmen, but the common sense of the cause I disapprove upon general grounds country, agree to be essential to the pros of the principles of that Budget, but em- perity of this nation. You are now asked.. phatically and peculiarly because in my to vote for a Budget which consecrates, as conscience-though it may be an erroneous it were, the principle of a deficiency, and belief-it is my firm conviction that the which endangers the public credit of the Budget is one, I will not say the most libe- country, and which may peril our safetyral, nor the most radical, but I will say if, indeed, the circumstances of the present the most subversive in its tendencies and ul- day are circumstances of uneasiness; and timate effects which I have ever known sub-if the Government have thought it right to mitted to this House. It is the most regard- call upon you for increased exertions in less of those general rules of prudence which providing for the defences of the country, it is absolutely necessary we should pre- I say, then, that I vote against this serve, and which it is perfectly impossible Budget in concert-at least in company that this House, as a popular assembly, with the right hon. Baronet the Member should observe unless the Government sets us the example, and uses its influence to keep us in the right course. Sir, the House of Commons is a noble assembly, worthy of its historical and traditional associations; but it is too much to expect that we should teach the Executive its duty in elementary matters of administration and finance. If I vote against the Government, I vote in support of those Conservative principles, which I thank God are common in a great degree to all parties in the British House

for Halifax, feeling that in giving that vote I do the work, so far as depends upon me, which you ought to join with me in doing. I do not express that sentiment in an offensive manner, but I say it because I feel deeply attached-having sat for so many years in this House, and having been connected during many of those years with public office, I feel profoundly attachedto the institutions of the country. I look back with regret upon the days when I sat nearer to many of my hon. Friends

Fuller, A. E.

opposite than I now am, and I feel it my | Freshfield, J. W.
duty to use that freedom of speech which
I am sure, as Englishmen, you will tolerate,
when I tell you that if you give your
assent and your high authority to this most
unsound and destructive principle on which
the financial scheme of the Government is
based-you may refuse my appeal now
you may accompany the right hon. Gen-
tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer
into the lobby; but my belief. is that the
day will come when you will look back
upon this vote as its consequences sooner
or later unfold themselves-you will look
back upon this vote with bitter, but with
late and ineffectual regret.
The Committee divided:-Ayes 286;

Noes 305: Majority 19.

List of the AYES.

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Frewen, C. H,
Gallwey, Sir W. P.
Galway, Visot.
Gaskell, J. M.
George, J.
Gilpin, Col.
Gladstone, Capt.
Gipps, H. P.
Goddard, A. L.
Goold, W.
Gordon, Adm.
Gore, W. o.
Graham, Lord M. W.
Granby, Marq. of
Greaves, F.
Greenall, G.
Grogan, E.
Hale, R. B.
Guernsey, Lord
Halford, Sir II.
Hall, Col.
Halsey, T. P.
Hamilton, Lord C.
Hamilton, G. A.
Hamilton, J. H.

Hanbury, hon. C. S. B.

Harcourt, Col.

Hardinge, hon. C.S.

Hayes, Sir E.

Heard, J. I.

Heneage, G. H. W.
Henley, rt. hon. J. W.
Herbert, Sir T.

Herries, rt. hon. J. C.
Ilildyard, R. C.
Hill, Lord A. E.
Ilope, Sir J.

Horsfall, T. B.
Hotham, Lord

Hudson, G.
Hughes, W. B.
Hume, W. F.
Inglis, Sir R. H.
Irton, S.

Jocelyn, Viset.

Johnstone, hon. H. B.
Jolliffe, Sir W. G. H.
Jones, Capt.
Jones, D.

Kelly, Sir F.

Kendall, N.

Ker, D. S.
Kerrison, E. C.
King, J. K.

Knatchbull, W. F.
Knight, F. W.
Knightley, R.

Knox, Col.

Knox, hon. W. S.
Lacon, Sir E.

Laffan, R. M.

Langton, W. G.
Lascelles, hon. E.

Lennox, Lord A. F.
Lennox, Lord H. G.
Leslie, C. P.
Lewisham, Viset.
Lindsay, hon. Col.

Lockhart, W.

Lopes, Sir R.

Lovaine, Lord

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MINISTERIAL EXPLANATION.

The EARL of DERBY, having laid some papers on the table, said: My Lords, it is consistent with the usual practice, and I think conducive to the public advantage, that a Minister, in announcing to your Lordships' House the dissolution of the Government over which he has been called on to preside, should enter into some explanation of the causes which have led to an event which cannot but be productive, in every case, of more or less of disturbance to public affairs. My Lords, the responsibility of lightly abandoning office is, in my judgment, not less than that of lightly accepting it; and it is right that Parliament, and that the country at large, your Lordships, that the other House of should be satisfied that those who were charged with the important duties of official responsibility should not throw up the discharge of those duties on light and trivial grounds-on minor differences of opinion among the members of the Administration, and, least of all, on grounds that partake of private pique or personal feeling. On the present occasion I believe it will be unnecessary for me to trespass upon your Lordships' attention for any length of time, because the causes which have led to the dissolution of the present Government lie upon the surface, and are patent to all mankind. It is unnecessary for me, my Lords, on the present occasion to advert to the circumstances under which the Government advised the dissolution of the last Parliament, or to the declarations we made previous to that dissolution, regarding the policy and the principles which it was about to pursue. A careful examination of the returns made by the different constituencies, and of the policy professed by the candidates at their several elections, rendered the position of the Government, and of the other parties in the State, a matter of no uncertainty, and of easy calculation. It was clear that there were of the supporters of the Government, on questions not involving the questions of"

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